I
THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
A ROMAN FAMILY UNDER NAPOLEON.
1796— 1815
The Marchesa Maddalena Patrizi, in compiling these
Memoirs, had but one end in view, that of making the
subjects of them known to their direct descendants. It
was far from her thoughts to give the work to the
public ; one hundred copies only were printed. One
was offered to our Holy Father, Pius X of Blessed
Memory, and in a private audience granted to the writer
ft'he expressed the very great pleasure which the perusal
of the Memoirs had afforded him.
• • ? - •
THE MARCHESA CUNEGONDA PATRIZI
THE
PATRIZI MEMOIRS
A ROMAN FAMILY UNDER NAPOLEON
1796— 1815
BY
THE MARCHESA MADDALENA PATRIZI
TRANSLATED BY
MRS. HUGH ERASER
AUTHOR OF "ITALIAN YESTERDAYS" ETC.
WITH AN HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION BY
J. CRAWFORD ERASER
Seventeen Illustrations
including
A Frontispiece Portrait ifi Colours
LONDON
HUTCHINSON AND CO.
PATERNOSTER ROW
1915
'y>
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\7o
.-A
r
AUTHOR'S PREFACE
TO MY CHILDREN
I HAVE collected these Memoirs for your sakes and
in response to a wish repeatedly expressed by your
father. In calling up the serene and strong per-
sonality of your great-great-grandfather, and the very
sweet one of her who was his faithful and valiant
companion, I have felt that I was affectionately carry-
ing out a task of true filial piety.
It has also been very welcome to me to offer to their
memories a homage which was denied in their life-
time, the admiration which their heroic fortitude
inspired in a relative of my own mother, that same
Count de Tournon, Prefect of Rome, whom they
believed to be one of their enemies. Having at my
disposal, through the courtesy of his descendants, all
his private papers, I have been able to realise how
unwillingly he executed the imperial orders and how
earnestly he strove to mitigate their severity. I
have carefully confronted his documents with our
V
336609
vi AUTHOR'S PREFACE
own archives and the very abundant ones furnished
to me by the State Papers in France.
As you will see, there is little of my own in the
book. 1 have limited myself to correlating, with
scrupulous exactness, the testimony of contem-
poraries, in the hope of making you love and
venerate your ancestors as we have loved and vener-
ated them. My earnest desire is that they may
obtain for their descendants that which they possessed
— the Faith which no storm of impiety can shake,
no suggestion of indifference weaken, and the
Strength which maintains, at any cost, the accord-
ance of the principles of conscience with the actions
of life, that Strength which I venture to call the
point of honour of the Christian's existence.
Your Mother.
December 191 1.
TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE
// was towards the mellow end of a June afternoon.
We had been out to the ** Castello di Constantino " and
had sat silently gazing at the wonderful panorama of
the ancient city spread out at our feet. New Rome
seemed to have vanished^ and it was the Rome of the
Ccesars that stretched before us^ rising in tier upon tier
of arches and terraces^ with the pines and cypresses of
countless gardens serving as dividing- lines and back-
ground. The low sunshine lay in a wash of red gold
on all the ruined glory ^ and far away the Sabines were
turning to amethyst under the tender blue of the evening
sky,
" Let us go now that it is at its hest^"" said Donna
Maddalena ; ** / have something that I want to show
you at home,'"" So we drove down^ down through the
winding streets that have never changed^ to the old
Palace opposite the Church of San Luigi dei Francesi,
I had not been to the house for many years^ and when I
was last there the head of the family^ my friend's
viii TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE
father-in-law^ still reigned autocratically^ as his fathers
had done before him, according to the traditions of the
old regime^ and resisted innovations and renovations
with the inherited prejudice of centuries. When he
died it was tacitly agreed in the family that the old
regime was to be buried with him, as a relic no longer
in place above ground^ though ever to he remembered
ypith respect. Light and air, comfort and convenience y
and, above all, that quantum of individual liberty with-
out which thinking people of to-day cannot live — these
came flooding into the dark old house, and have made
it a dwelling where all seems peace and light. It was
very strange to me to be shot upstairs in an automatic
lift instead of climbing the long flight of stone steps that
I remembered ; to find myself walking over polished
parquets instead of over the red brick or marble of the
older day : and some of the ancestral portraits seemed to
me to have taken on a slightly disapproving expression.
But the tenets and principles of conduct have not
changed. Every member of the family would now fight
for them as resolutely as its ancestors did, and, since the
story of their most famous fight is one which is being
repeated all over the world to-day by parents who
insist upon giving their children a Christian education,
the relation of their struggle is a matter which will
interest many and perhaps inspire courage too.
TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE ix
^he opening of the story has another interest, all its
own — that of presenting an unusually faithful picture
of conditions in Roman social and family lifcy which have
passed away as completely as those of the first ages of
Christianity, although but a scant hundred years have
elapsed since the Marchese Francesco Patrizi was
banished from his home and obliged to report himself
once a week to the Police in Paris ; since his son,
Giovanni, was imprisoned in the Chateau d'lf for
refusing to hand over his children to Napoleon to be
brought up at the Military School of Prytanee de la
Fleche — since Giovanni s royal wife was driven over
the Alps with her two little boys and also forced to
report herself, like a convict under vigilance, to the
-police in Paris. It was the royalty that aroused the
worst hatred of the Emperor, Ihe cousin of Louis
XVI, the gentle lady who had never spoken an unkind
word in her life, but who would have gone to the
scaffold a hundred times over for her children's salva-
tion, was a thorn in the side of him whom her descen-
dants still call ** the parvenu " ; and, whereas the
persecution of other recalcitrants was left to his officials.
Napoleon seems to have made that of the Patrizi family
his personal affair. It is a sad and ungrateful task to
have to record the baser characteristics of one whom
many consider the greatest of men, but the principles at
X TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE
stake on one side^ and the guiding motive on the other,
enter too largely into modern life to permit of their being
glossed over or forgotten.
In preparing this book for the English-speaking
Public the translator has kept to the literal text of the
letters and diaries. In the narrative portions the
material has occasionally been condensed, and some
necessary notes and elucidations have been added, as
well as an historical introduction. Apart from these
details the book is entirely the work of the Marchesa
Maddalena Patrizi. The documents cited were
collected by her through a long period of industrious
research both in France and Italy, and were printed
in the " Memorie di Casa Patrizi,'' for family circu-
lation only, /« 1911. In the present work they are
offered to the public for the first time.
MART CRAWFORD FRASER.
CONTENTS
PAGE
Author's Preface v
Translator's Preface vii
Historical Introduction i
CHAPTER I
Th^ Marriage of Giovanni Patrizi and Cunegonda
OF Saxony — The Story of the Bride's Family
— Her Early Years in France — Domestic
Conditions in the Life of the Roman Aris-
tocracy ........ 35
CHAPTER H
Pius VH and Napoleon — The Emperor's Aspira-
tions— The Abduction of the Pope — The
Golden Levy and its Effect on the Patrizi
Family 52
CHAPTER in
The Marchese Giovanni resists the Decree — In-
effectual Efforts of the Prefect to obtain
his Submission — He refuses to give up his
Children 75
PAGE
xii CONTENTS
CHAPTER IV
The Blow Falls — Arrest and Abduction of Gio-
vanni Patrizi — He is conveyed to Civita
Vecchia and imprisoned in the Fort, where
HE FINDS MANY FrIENDS AND ACQUAINTANCES . 89
CHAPTER V
Extracts from the Marchese's Journal — His Ex-
periences AT Civita Vecchia — The Beginning
of the long Correspondence between him and
HIS Wife — His Departure for an Unknown
Destination 104
CHAPTER VI
Napoleon's Personal Hostility to the Patrizi
Family — He orders the Sequestration of
their Revenues — Giovanni's Journey to Fene-
STRELLE — Hopes and Fears in Rome . .121
CHAPTER VII
Cunegonda leaves Rome to conduct her Children
TO France— Pippo's Diary of the Journey —
The Sojourn in Siena — The Order of Malta
AND THE BaILLI RUSPOLI 150
CHAPTER VIII
Difficulties of Cunegonda's Position — Her Cor-
respondence WITH her Husband is strictly
censored — Her Departure from Siena —
Letters from the Boys to their Father . 171
CONTENTS xiii
CHAPTER IX
PAGE
CUNEGONDA IN TURIN — HeR FRUITLESS EFFORTS TO
OBTAIN Permission to visit her Husband at
Fenestrelle — A Sad Journey across the Alps 194
CHAPTER X
Giovanni's Secret Correspondence with his Wife
is discovered by the Police and results in his
BEING removed TO THE ChATEAU d'If AND PLACED
under close Surveillance — Treachery of his
SUPPOSED Friend, Carminati .... 207
CHAPTER XI
CUNEGONDA ARRIVES IN PaRIS — PiPPO DESCRIBES HIS
Impressions — The Whereabouts of Giovanni
KEPT secret from HIS FaMILY — He IS NOT
allowed to have any News of them — Cune-
GONDA IS OBLIGED TO TAKE THE BOYS TO La
Fl^che UNDER Military Escort . . . .224
CHAPTER XII
Life at La FlIlche — The " New Concordat " — The
Emperor and the Pope — Bonaparte's Treachery
— Letters to Giovanni from his Father —
Death of the Marchese Francesco Patrizi . 245
CHAPTER XIII
Visitors at La FLt:cHE — Reunion of Cunegonda
AND her Sisters — Weary Waiting — A Ray
OF Hope — The Beginning of the End —
"Alleluia!" 268
xiv CONTENTS
CHAPTER XIV
PACK
The 14TH OF February, 18 14, at the Chateau d'If —
Liberty at Last — Giovanni's Return to Rome 286
CHAPTER XV
Cunegonda and her Sons in Paris — Xavier's De-
scription OF Events — Her Home-coming — The
Return of Pius VII to Rome — The Death of
Giovanni Patrizi 304
Translator's Note 317
Index 321
ILLUSTRATIONS
Marchesa Cunegonda Patrizi (Coloured Plate) Frontispiece
FACING PAGE
Napoleon 4
Rome. Castle of Sant' Angelo (from an old print) 28
Photo by R. Moscioni,
Two Sketches from the Album of Cunegonda . 38
An Almanac formerly in the possession of Cune-
gonda 42
Marchesa Porzia, wife of Francesco Patrizi . 44
Rome. The Church of S. Luigi dei Francesi, facing
Palazzo Patrizi 84
Photo by R. Moscioni.
Marchese Giovanni Naro Patrizi .... 98
Rome. Castle of Sant' Angelo (under Pius IX.) . 112
Photo by R. Moscioni.
CiVITA VeCCHIA 128
Photo by R. Moscioni.
Siena. The Chapel in the Piazza . . . .150
Photo by R. Moscioni.
Siena. The Piazza and Town Hall . . .164
Photo by R. Moscioni.
Castle of Bard, on the Road from Turin to Cour-
mayeur. Cunegonda's Journey over the Alps 194
Photo by E. Alinari.
Ancient Gateway at Susa 202
Photo by E. Alinari.
Chateau dTf . 222
Photo by Giletta.
Marchese Francesco Patrizi 262
Pius VII 312
XV
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
By J. CRAWFORD FRASER
It would seem probable that the earliest actual
perception of what he was wont to call his " star "
came to Napoleon during the hours immediately
following upon the Coup d'Etat of the eighteenth
of Brumaire, Year VII — in the terms of the Gregorian
Calendar, the ninth of November, 1799.
For he had just made a first successful, if terrify-
ing experience, in his own person, of the supre-
macy of deeds over words ; that is to say, the
supremacy of armed force over the clamour and
divided counsels of windbag politicians. For the
first time he had dared to measure himself with the
constitution of his country ; and, after passing
through the most momentous hours of his career,
had emerged the conqueror by a hair's-breadth —
thanks to the superior courage and presence of mind
of Lucien Bonaparte in rallying the soldiers to the
defence of his elder brother against the enraged
representatives of the people. What Napoleon's
innermost thoughts were, precisely, during the night
which followed in the privacy of his study in the
4 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
far as to draw down upon himself that ban of
excommunication which the good Pope felt com-
pelled to lift from him again in the very hour of
its accomplishment as signalised by the retreat of
1812.
This disappointment of Napoleon's, moreover,
was the sharper for being that of a proud, self-willed
man in love, whose lawful claim (as it seems to him)
to complete domination over the object of his
affections is rejected with contumely.
In truth, not only was Napoleon an inveterate,
natural Catholic, but he was also a mystic ; as he
once said to one of his Marshals who was attempting
to deter him from his project of invading Russia :
*' Have I yet accomplished the will of Fate ? I feel
myself driven towards an end of which I am still in
ignorance ; but, when I shall have attained it, a grain
of dust will be sufficient to beat me to the earth."
Thus, once a design had taken root in his mind, it
followed that, as he actually did so believe it to be
an inspiration of Heaven Itself, no means should
have appeared to him too outrageous for the
execution of it. Similarly, it stands to reason that
such designs needed no other justification for
Napoleon beyond that of their having been inspired
in him.
From the hour in which he had succeeded in
From an engraving by Achille Lef-vi
After a painting by Charles 5t ube,
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 5
extorting the Pope's consent to the Concordat
in 1 801, Napoleon had had only one conviction in
regard to Rome — that, in reward for his restoration
of the Catholic religion in France, it was the
intention of Heaven to entrust him with the
temporal overlordship of the Church. This belief
was peculiarly easy to him by reason of the years
he had spent in France, during which his naturally
critical mind had become imbued with the French
antipathy to Roman discipline in church matters ;
in a word, with that " Gallicanism *' which has been
the scourge of French Catholicism from the days of
Henri IV, through those of Louis XIV, Louis XV,
and Napoleon III, even to our own. Also, he
thought, honestly and weakly enough, that he would
the more easily be able to bring the French people
back to the Faith — of which the Revolution had
deprived it and without which he felt his hold
upon the country to be at best but a precarious
one — by means of pandering to what he believed
to be the national weakness of vanity, not only
through establishing its partial independence of
Rome, but also by reducing Rome itself to the
level of a French department.
In this fixed intention, then, it was that, when the
battles of Austerlitz and Jena had made him the
master of central Europe, his long-cherished am-
bition of becoming a second Charlemagne and
*' Protector of the Holy See " began to take definite
shape. The only obstacles in his path were the
6 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
Pope and the clergy, with their stronghold in the
hearts of the Romans. But even their influence
would be of no avail, in Napoleon's eyes, to offer any
serious opposition to the power of his glory, of his
seductions, and — if need were, as a last resort — of
his armies. Of other than moral force, to do him
justice, he had no desire to make use in this instance.
For the truth was that he was in love with Rome
for her own sake, and that he desired all her love
in return for himself; so that the idea of sharing it
with the Pope was intolerable to him. Indeed, one
may say that, so much in love with Rome was
Napoleon, that he deemed it derogatory for her to
be the handmaid of any less a man (according to his
own standpoint in regard to earthly matters) than
himself, the Emperor of the West, the new Charle-
magne to be.
Having seated his brother Joseph upon the
throne of Naples in April 1806 (a necessary
strategical preliminary in view of his Roman pro-
gramme) and having advanced the French outposts
to Civita Vecchia in the following month, the
Emperor next proceeded to fasten a multiplicity
of petty quarrels upon the Pope. These were
brought about mainly by the French occupation
of the papal territories — on the ground of Pius VII's
refusal to depart from his neutrality in the contest
between England and France by forbidding the
importation of English goods into his dominions —
a series of outrages culminating in the seizure, in
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 7
October 1807, of the Marches, that part of Italy
which lies between the Adriatic and the Apennines,
the southern bank of the river Reno and the northern
boundary of the kingdom of Naples. Little by
little, Pius VII found himself ever more closely
hemmed in on all sides by the forces of his relentless
adversary.
And then, quite suddenly, came the end. In the
dawn of February 2, 1808, a handful of French
dragoons, followed by a division of infantry, clattered
leisurely out of the fog-bound Campagna across the
Ponte Molle, and so on towards the Porta del
Popolo, by which, about eight o'clock, they entered
the city. They were under the command of General
Sixtus de Miollis, who let it be understood that
he was on his way with them from Florence to
Naples. This fiction, however, deceived no one;
more especially when the ''visitors" established
themselves promptly and methodically in the Castle
of Sant' Angelo — which was handed over to them,
on their request, by the commandant ! — and the
neighbouring district. In addition they placed a
battery of field-guns in position over against the
Quirinal Palace in which the Pope was accustomed
to spend the winter months. But when Miollis
discovered how this battery had been trained on the
PontifFs own residence, he ordered it to be removed ;
for violence was not yet a part of his plan.
That same day he asked for an audience of
Pius VII, and, on its being accorded to him, ex-
8 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
plained his presence in the city by representing
himself as being merely desirous of paying his
respects to the Head of Christendom in passing
from Florence to Naples with his troops. To this
the defenceless Pope could only reply with what
affability he could muster. On leaving the Quirinal,
Miollis called at the offices of the papal police
and informed the astounded officials whom he found
there that, for the future, they would receive their
orders from one of his subordinates, a certain
General Herbin. At the same time the papal
printers were forbidden to print anything whatso-
ever which might be sent to them from the Quirinal
without having first obtained permission to do so
from the new Chief of Police.
And so the farce of Miollis' " visit " continued.
As the days succeeded one another his real intention
became too plain to admit of further pretences, and
by the following month he was already sending into
exile all who dared to raise their voices against his
conduct and the presence of his soldiers in Rome.
These rigours he endeavoured to temper by a show
of friendship towards the Roman nobility, whom he
repeatedly invited to balls and receptions at his
headquarters. His attempts at conciliation — albeit,
at first, moderately evocative of a response from such
patricians as had been led to suppose, from the
mildness of the Pope's attitude hitherto in regard
to the French invaders, that he would not resent
their acceptance of Miollis* advances — were, how-
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 9
ever, fated to prove a failure. Immediately after
the first of his receptions, which had been quite
well attended, Pius VII issued a decree peremptorily
forbidding his subjects to entertain such social
relations with the enemies of their only lawful
Sovereign. At the same time he sent a vigorous
protest to Paris against the whole business, with no
other result than that of determining Napoleon to
bring the period of ' precautionary occupation ' to a
close as soon as possible by substituting for it the
formal annexation of Rome, together with the
Marches, to the French Empire.
But to do this, all at once, was hardly feasible,
mainly by reason of the fact that the Emperor was
uncertain as to the effect of the annexation of the
Eternal City upon the Government of Austria,
with which he was not yet prepared to go to
war again. This being so, he confined himself to
the incorporation of the Marches with his dominions
on April 2, 1808 — a foretaste of his quality which
was not without effect upon the population both
there and in Rome ; for, on the reception of the
news, there broke out an opposition almost of the
dimensions of a revolution. The first sign of this
was shown in a recrudescence of brigandage from
the Abruzzi westwards, through the Sabines, to the
gates of Rome itself. " Brigandage," rather, so
called, since the vast majority of " brigands " in
this instance were, in all probability, only armed
supporters of their rightful ruler, and not by any
10 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
means thieves or murderers, although there may well
have been a certain admixture of bad characters in
their ranks.
In order to deal with these bands Miollis, unable
to spare any of his own troops for the purpose,
endeavoured to organise a small body of Gendar-
merie from among the inhabitants of each village
in the troubled districts to cope with the menace
to his authority. This was the last straw which
sufficed to break the Pope's patience — seeing that
his own subjects were thus being formed into the
nucleus of an army under the orders of foreign
and hostile interlopers — and he replied to it by the
publication of a decree threatening any one who might
participate in it with the lesser excommunication.
Within twenty-four hours not a single one of his
more decent subjects who had taken service in
Miollis* new Gendarmerie but had returned their
weapons and their uniforms to the French Chief
of Police, from whom they had received them. The
only Romans, be it remarked, moreover, who re-
tained their employment under General Herbin
were found to be a handful of men, all of whom
were known by their criminal antecedents to the
Pope's own guardians of the peace ; indeed, a list
of them, with their police dossiers^ had been already
forwarded sarcastically by Cardinal Pacca, as Secretary
of State, to Herbin as an assistance to his labours.
Simultaneously the Cardinal Secretary made public
the fruits of the investigations of his agents into
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION ii
the characters and police-records of such individuals
as had been entrusted by Miollis with the duty of
recruiting for his local Gendarmerie ; he brought them
to justice on a charge of high treason before the
papal magistrates ; and so presented the world at
large with such a series of scandalous revelations
as completely to discredit the methods both of
Miollis himself and his subordinates.
There followed an unsuccessful attempt of the
French to kidnap Cardinal Pacca, which was thwarted
by the firmness of the Pontiff in person, who con-
cealed his secretary and ordered the fortification of
the Quirinal, in which he gave asylum also to three
other Cardinals whom Miollis had menaced with
transportation if they fell into his hands.
Had Pius VII made use of this moment to give
the signal for a general rising against the invaders
it would probably have resulted in their overthrow.
For six months the Romans had been awaiting some
such signal on his part, and all was ready for a
revolt. But, for some reason or other, he held
back, and nothing happened — to the intense dis-
appointment of his people. Nevertheless, so alarmed
had Miollis been by the nearness of the danger that
he sent entreaties to Napoleon, begging him to take
stronger measures against the opposition of the Pon-
tiff. This was in the September of 1808, the same
12 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
month in which Murat, the Emperor's brother-in-law,
was created by him King of Naples in place of
Joseph Bonaparte, who had been lately made King
of Spain.
No sooner was Murat seated on the Neapolitan
throne than he began to offer his services and those
of his army to Napoleon against the " rebellious
Romans and their ungrateful Pontiff," as he styled
them. But, in truth, the Emperor had no great
desire to avail himself of these offers. To begin
with, it was no part of his policy to extend his
brother-in-law's activities any further beyond the
confines of Naples than could be helped. For Rome
was still the darling of Napoleon's heart, and he did
not intend it to be ravaged. Also, he was never
entirely trustful of Murat's ambitions ; and this
more especially as the latter had given his whole con-
fidence to a man — Count Salicetti — whom Napoleon
particularly despised and disliked for his personal
cowardice * and his incurable double-dealing. This
Salicetti was a Corsican, bilious, sallow of com-
plexion, and with a pair of shifty, chocolate-coloured
eyes ; a former member of the National Convention
of 1793, and a regicide, he had covered himself with
obloquy as one of the administrators of the Reign of
Terror. A persecutor of religion during his life-
time, when the hour came for him to die, in
* As shown by his inducing two women, a mother and her
daughter, to shelter him at the risk of their lives during the Reaction
after July 1794 — a fact \vh\rh came to the knowledge of Bonaparte,
who, for their sakes alone, abstained from having him arrested.
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 13
December 1809, he sent a hasty message to Fra
Egidio, the famous lay-brother of the Franciscans
in Naples, to pray for him. But, on receiving the
summons, the saint replied to it with a shake of
the head. '' It is too late," he said ; " for, as you
will find on your return to Palazzo Maresca " —
Salicetti's residence oiF the Chiaja — " he died just
after you left there." And so it proved.
Advised, then, by Salicetti, Murat continued to
press his offers of interference upon the Emperor
throughout the winter and spring of 1 808-1 809.
This did not prevent him from representing himself
as a friend in disguise to Pius VII and the Curia
at Rome. But, at first, Napoleon would have none
of him ; until, at long length, worn out by his
importunities, and having no one else — on account
of the war with Austria that had just broken out —
the Emperor sent word to him in the last days
of March 1809 ^^^^ ^^ was to re-enforce MiolHs
and to place a part of his army for that purpose on
the Roman frontier. Murat, however, demurred to
the idea of his " beautiful troops being under the
orders of a Miollis " ; likewise, he insisted that
nothing else but only his own nomination to the
supreme command in the Roman States " could
possibly," as he put it in a letter of April 14, 1809,
"disconcert the enemies of the Emperor." These
representations, however, were fruitless, Napoleon
having no intention of superseding Miollis, whom he
liked and trusted both as an aristocrat and a soldier-
14 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
courtier of the old school of Louis XVI. The only
concession which he could be persuaded to make
was that Murat might send Salicetti to Rome to
represent him among the members of the new
Government ; but upon the condition that Salicetti,
like all the rest, was to be subject to MioUis.
What the Emperor did not know was that Salicetti,
without waiting for his permission, had already
betaken himself to Rome in order to further the
interests of Murat with the Pope and the Curia,
as well as to prepare the way for the next step
in the affair — that of the imminent, formal
annexation of Rome by Murat to the Empire.
Arriving thus unexpectedly at Rome early in April,
Salicetti informed Miollis of the intended Coup
d*Etat — to the amazement of the General who had
been left in ignorance of the Imperial decision — and
was told, in exchange, that, come what might, he
was to consider himself Miollis' subordinate. This
so irritated Salicetti that he returned, forthwith, to
Naples ; but only to be sent back again at once to
Rome. Here he learned that a certain General
Lemarrois had been installed as charge d'affaires by
Miollis, who had gone to Milan to confer with the
Viceroy of Italy, Eugene de Beauharnais, upon the
situation, and presumably, to ask his aid towards
the subjugation of the Papacy. As a matter of fact,
Salicetti did not actually go as far as Rome itself,
but broke his journey at Albano, in order not to
arouse the suspicions either of the papal authorities
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 15
or of Miollis* partisans among the French. From
Albano " the Corsican Fouche," as Salicetti was
nicknamed, was kept in touch with all that was
taking place in the city by his indefatigable spies.
As he wrote to Murat, if the latter meant to make
himself master of Rome in the Emperor^s name by
proclaiming the annexation before MioUis could
return to do so, he must act at once.
Nothing loath, Murat gave orders for his army
to advance upon Rome on June 7, Salicetti receiving
instructions to meet him there on the tenth of the
same month. It appeared to the conspirators that
nothing now could prevent them from taking
possession of the papal capital.
What was at the bottom of Murat's mind, what
astounding designs he may have dared to cherish,
must for ever remain a matter for speculation. His
secret relations with the Pope, no less than the
fact of Napoleon's having at that moment just
suffered a serious defeat at Essling, near Vienna,
may contribute to something approaching a solu-
tion of the problem. Also, his subsequent open
defection from Napoleon's cause a few years later
may furnish some index to the motives of his
conduct on this occasion.
Be that as it may, Salicetti left Albano for the
Farnese Palace in Rome, with high hopes, on
June 9. His road was that of the Appian Way
and the Porta San Giovanni.
Scarcely had he reached his destination, however,
i6 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
than a post-chaise entered the city at a gallop
from the opposite direction, that of the Flaminian
Way connecting Rome with Florence and the north.
Passing through the Porta del Popolo, the vehicle
drew up in the Piazza di Spagna, when there stepped
from it three men. The first of these was tall and
very thin, and of a pronounced stoop ; a soldier with
a uniform of most unmilitary slovenliness ; grey-
haired and frightfully disfigured by the scar of
a wound in the face — his jaw-bone had been
fractured by a British musket-ball in America,
where he had served under Lafayette at Yorktown.
This was none other than Miollis himself. Of his
companions, one was no more than a stripling ;
a handsome boy, radiant with the delight of his
first political post — Heaven knows, he was destined,
soon enough, to have had his fill of such employ-
ments ! — one Cesare Balbo by name, and of Genoa
by extraction.*
The third of the trio was a shorter, stouter man
than either of the others, pink-cheeked and smug,
whose brown eyes twinkled rapaciously as he glanced
around him — a typical lawyer-bureaucrat, Baron
Janet, once a barrister of Lons-le-Saulnier, now
Solicitor-General of the new Government, and
charged with the duty of public prosecutor as well.
To these three were to be added, as soon as they
* Overcome by remorse at his share in the French proceedings
in Rome, Balbo fled the city in the June of 1810. Thirty years
later, even, in 1839, he was still unable to refer to these transactions
without tears of sorrow for his participation in them.
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 17
should arrive in Rome, two others : Gerando, a
philosopher more interested in Hobbs, Kant, and
Descartes than in politics ; and a Piedmontese, Dal
Pozzo, the bosom friend and " other self " of Janet,
whose severities he ardently supported in the
councils of the " Consulta," as the new Govern-
ment appointed to supplant that of Pius VII was
to be named. The very differences in character of
the five members of it, including Miollis, came
eventually, as can easily be understood, to cause its
utter failure.
No sooner had Miollis and his friends reached
the city than the General, learning of Salicetti's
presence at Palazzo Farnese, sent orders to the
King of Naples' representative to meet him the
next day. In the same hour he resumed the com-
mand of his troops from Lemarrois ; and so the
Neapolitan conspiracy was brought to a halt. Thence-
forth the army sent by Murat from Naples under
General Pepe was relegated automatically to the
position of a mere auxiliary force under the supreme
command of Miollis, who by now had procured a
corps of gendarmerie as well, under General Radet,
from Florence, for his bodyguard. It need hardly
be added that, for his timely nipping in the bud of
Murat's attempt to make himself master of Rome,
he was never forgiven by the ambitious plotter.
2
i8 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
On the following morning the Consulta — in
which Salicetti was temporarily included by way of
placating his master — issued a decree annexing Rome
to the Empire in the name of Napoleon.
But, if seriously checked by Miollis*s promptitude,
Salicetti still persevered in his attempt to discharge
the mission with which Murat had entrusted him.
During the weeks that followed upon the installation
of the Consulta, that body applied itself to the '' re-
forming " of all institutions obnoxious to its theories,
in a fury of zealous destruction. Sequestration of
church property and the expulsion of monks and nuns
from their homes were succeeded by wholesale changes
in the life of Rome itself. The setting up of an
entirely novel form of legal procedure was accom-
panied by other radical alterations, such as the
abolition of lotteries, privileges, exemption from
taxation, and so forth ; habits, morals, and even
amusements were all in future to be regulated by
the codes of Gerando, Janet, and Company. Within
an incredibly short space of time some sixty pro-
clamations to this effect in as many departments of
daily life had so bewildered and dismayed the un-
fortunate Romans as almost to make them ask
themselves whether their existence were only a
perturbing dream, and not a reality at all.
The only thing that now continued to cause the
Consulta any disquiet was the steadfastness with
which the Pope continued to protest against its
usurpation of power. This he did, for the most
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 19
part effectually, so far as the Romans were con-
cerned, by means of placards threatening any ad-
herents of the new order with the severest clerical
penalties ; so that, as before, the campaign of passive
resistance on the part of his subjects came near to
paralysing the activities of Miollis and his friends,
until it was obvious to them that their sole resource
lay in the complete elimination of all papal influence
within the circle of their operations. Nevertheless,
they hesitated to do this for fear of causing a really
serious revolution — at least, this was the constant
dread of Miollis, who was supported by the vote
of the best-minded of his colleagues, the young
Balbo. On the other hand, Janet and Dal Pozzo
demanded the arrest and removal of Pius VII in
no measured terms. As for Philosopher Gerando,
he was against any decisive steps whatsoever.
At this juncture Salicetti, to whom the embarrass-
ments of the Consulta had afforded some considerable
consolation for the failure of his attempted seizure
of power, was enabled once more to take a hand
in Roman affairs in the interests of his master.
Since his disappointment in June he had let slip
no opportunity either of keeping Napoleon daily
informed both of the mistaken over-zeal of the
Consulta and the ever-increasing irritation and
confusion among the Romans, or of urging the
necessity of Murafs intervention in order to
counteract the Consulta's want of determination in
regard to the one obstacle to the successful estab-
20 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
lishment of the Imperial Government — namely, the
Pope and the College of Cardinals. Nothing, he
had never ceased to insist, but the removal from
Rome of Pius VII — that and the breaking-up of
the Curia — could bring the Romans to accept the
Emperor's reforms in the right spirit.
The hour was an uncertain one for Napoleon.
Wagram had not yet been fought, and he was
still occupied in making preparations to remedy
his all but disastrous defeat at Aspern. Matters
were also going against him in Spain. Under these
circumstances he was not in a position to decline
the offers of assistance at Rome that were being
pressed upon him by his brother-in-law and Salicetti.
For if, as seemed not at all unlikely, the news of
his difficulties in Germany and the Spanish Peninsula
were to encourage the Romans to rise and throw
off^ his yoke after the manner of the Spaniards,
there were no French forces left in Italy sufficient
to prevent them from doing so. Obviously, there-
fore, there was nothing for it but to call in Murat's
help and that of his Neapolitans.
And so, at length, Murat received a hasty line
from the Emperor's headquarters bidding him move
quickly, so that the thing might be done before it
should be too late. Strange to say, it would seem
that no intimation to this eff^ect was sent to Miollis,
although Radet, who with his Gendarmerie was en-
camped at a short distance from Rome and to the
north of it, got word somehow of what was in the
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 21
air, and immediately marched into the city, where
he reported everything to MioUis.
If the latter was not to be ousted from his
command by the King of Naples there was not
a moment to be lost. What was to be done must
be done before Murat's forces, under Prince
Pignatelli, could reach the city and take the
conduct of affairs out of the hands of the
Consulta. Now or never was the time for
MioUis to justify the Emperor's choice of him
as Governor of Rome.
" So his Majesty has decided to remove the
Pope at last, and has entrusted the job to the
King of Naples ? Well, then, we will show that
we can handle it as well as any one ! But we
must be careful to keep on the right side."
And, without further ado, Miollis wrote out a
warrant for the arrest of *' Cardinal Pacca, and, in
the event of resistance, that of every one else in the
Quirinal." Thus he thought to avoid the odium
of having actually ordered the arrest of the Pontiff
in person. But Radet perfectly understood him,
and proceeded, at nine o'clock that night (July 5,
1809), to carry out his instructions. As Pignatelli
and the Neapolitans had just arrived from Albano,
and were encamped outside the Porta San Giovanni,
it was necessary to act with the utmost secrecy
to prevent them from discovering and forestalling
Miollis's new counterstroke. For, if once Murat
were to succeed in his project of assuming the
22 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
chief part in expelling Pius VII, his position
would be unassailable and his influence paramount.
Napoleon would be practically compelled to make
him Governor of the city, which would thus
come de facto under a Neapolitan administration.
From which Murat might, not unreasonably, hope
for developments that should make him, eventually,
the chief power in the Peninsula.
This expectation, though, was foiled by Radet's
contriving to force the gates of the Quirinal
between two and three o'clock in the morning
and arresting both the Pope and Cardinal Pacca,
whom he then carried off with him at full gallop
in a travelling-carriage through Porta Pia towards
Tuscany, where they were to be incarcerated in
the Carthusian monastery of Ema. So that Miollis
had won the second trick against Murat and
Salicetti.
None the less, Murat obtained his point to
some extent by persuading the Emperor to appoint
him Lieutenant-General of the Roman kingdom.
In this capacity he made his entry into the city
on November lo, 1809, where he remained
until the summer of 18 10; when, on realising
that Napoleon had no thought of allowing him to
be anything more than a servant of the Empire,
he then abdicated his functions, and was nominally
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 23
succeeded in them by Fouch^, the ex-Police Minister
and Duke of Otranto — who, however, came no nearer
to Rome than Florence.
Nearly four years were to elapse before Murat
again tried his hand against Miollis ; four years
during which the Romans alternately groaned
beneath the heel of their French masters and
danced in compliance with their decrees. Not
until the November of 18 12, when the news of
Napoleon's first great defeats were brought to
Rome, did they begin to believe there might
come an end to his dominion over them. But
yet another twelve months were to pass by before
their hopes received any great encouragement — in
the overthrow of the Emperor at Leipzig.
By this time, thanks to the effect of Napoleon's
" Continental Blockade " (by which^ for seven years,
he had prevented all foreign over-seas trade), and of
his merciless conscriptions, the country was reduced
to a state of anarchy with which the handful of
troops under Miollis's orders was utterly unable to
cope. Brigandage, fostered by liberalism and want,
was everywhere rampant. Bands of marauders
wandered throughout Romagna, Campagna, and
Umbria, plundering and killing at will. The social
order was outwardly crumbling to a fall which not
even permanent courts-martial and scores of execu-
tions by bullet and rope could long defer. In every
open space of Rome, and every day, three or four
or more malefactors were shot or hanged as brigands ;
24 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
but all without any avail. On December 28, 1813,
recourse was even had to the erection of the
guillotine in Rome under the euphonym of " il
nuovo edificio " ; but the disorders continued with
unabated licence and ferocity.
Already, however, another event of far-reaching
import to Miollis and the Consulta had taken
place. In the night of November 3-4 Murat had
arrived in Rome fresh from the battle-field of
Leipzig ; he was travelling incognito to his capital
of Naples and was only resting for a few hours at
an hotel in the Piazza di Spagna. Here Miollis
visited him — to be received with an appearance of
lassitude and the information that the King of
Naples was about to place himself at the head of
30,000 men and to defend Italy along the line of
the Po. This was all that he would say ; but with
Miollis was Count Tournon, the Prefect of Rome,*
who, as they were passing out through the ante-
room, met an acquaintance, an aide-de-camp of
Murat' s, who whispered to him :
*'A11 is lost. The Emperor has no army any
longer, and the Allies must now be on the Rhine.'*
And, with that, he went on to tell of the frightful
results of the fighting at Leipzig, and of how, on the
next day after the beginning of the retreat from
* See Madelin, "La Rome de Napol6on," p. 605, an invaluable
publication upon the epoch. Tournon, who had succeeded
Gerando in the Consulta, was forced, against his will, to be one
of the principal tormentors of the Patrizi family.
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 25
Saxony, Murat had left the army for Naples, there
** to take certain weighty decisions."
From which, indeed, both Miollis and Tournon,
knowing Murat as they did, judged that the worst
might now be expected of him ; that is to say, that
the real reason for his return to Italy was rather
to safeguard his own interests by every possible
means than to sacrifice himself in the waning cause
of Napoleon.
In this surmise they were right. Thenceforth
the revolutionary movements among the people
seemed to take on a character of daring and of
solidarity which they had never before evinced.
All classes combined to thwart and harass the luck-
less Miollis and his colleagues by every conceivable
means, from the depredations of patriotic bands to
the outspoken pulpit denouncements of the clergy,
all of whom derived much of their inspiration to
resistance from two of Murat's accredited representa-
tives in Palazzo Farnese, Zuccari and Maghella.
By means of these two Murat had contrived to
persuade the Romans to look upon him as the Man
of Italy and the restorer-to-be of all her former
glories and her freedom from foreign enslavement.
His revenge was now about to be accomplished
for all bygone disappointments. Already, during
the month of October, landing-parties of English
troops had disembarked upon the Roman coast at
Porto d'Anzio and had put to flight the scanty
French garrisons in their path. At any moment
26 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
they might be expected to advance upon the capital.
The city, moreover, was known to be seething with
disaffection, and no one could be trusted.
Suddenly, on November i8, the upheaval became
an actuality in a rising in the district of Viterbo,
headed by an unfrocked priest, Felice Battaglia.
After only a few days Battaglia was taken prisoner
and brought to Rome, where his true relations with
Zuccari were brought to light. The chance of
denouncing Murat's complicity in the ex-priest's
rebellion was a tempting one ; but Miollis was
dissuaded from doing so by a letter from Durand,
the French Minister at Murat's own Court at Naples,
entreating him not to act precipitately for fear of
stirring up an even more formidable popular agita-
tion. Also, he was restrained by the arrival in
Rome of the Duke of Otranto, Fouche, who had
come down from Milan after being turned out of
his latest Governor-Generalship — that of Illyria —
by the Austrians. What his business might be in
Rome none knew but only Fouchd himself; but
his well-known abilities for sudden tergiversation
made it not improbable that he was already acting
as an intermediary between the Austrians and
Murat.* At any rate, his first act was to save the
compromising Battaglia from the executioner by
ordering him to be imprisoned indefinitely, and
♦ The subsequent hospitality extended by the Emperor Francis to
Murat's wife and family, as well as the asylum offered by him to
Murat— who, however, rejected it in favour of the fatal expedition
to Pizzo iu 1815 — would appear to confirm this belief.
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 27
by quashing any further inquiry into his transactions
with Zuccari.
On January 5, 18 14, after a little more than a
fortnight's stay in Rome, Fouche took his departure
for Florence — and, with it, the entire contents of
Miollis's official treasury, leaving him and the Con-
sulta absolutely denuded of financial means ! He
had certainly left nothing undone to be of use to
the King of Naples, who, on the last day of the
old year, had concluded a secret understanding
with the Austrian Government. By the terms of
this agreement Murat was to become their ally
and to clear Central Italy of its French occupants,
in return for which his new friends were to do
their utmost to obtain the consent of the other
European Powers to his retention of the Throne
of Naples — an arrangement which was only upset
by the refusal of England to ratify it in favour
of so dangerous a person.
On the other hand, MioUis was eagerly awaiting
his assistance to reduce the unruly Italians to
obedience in the name of the Emperor, in accord-
ance with the promise to that effect which Murat
had given him on his passage through Rome in the
foregoing November. Already, at the end of that
same month of November, a detachment of Nea-
politan troops had been admitted by MioUis into
28 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
the city, in this belief. Other detachments of all
arms had followed them during the first days of
December, until by the loth there were between
10,000 and 15,00c of Murat's soldiers quartered
within the walls. By now the whole of the capital,
with the exception of MioUis himself, was convinced
that the King of Naples must be about to betray
his imperial brother-in-law by adding Rome to his
own dominions — a conviction engendered and
fostered by the Neapolitan officers themselves, both
by their arrogance towards the Romans, whom
they treated as a conquered population, as well as
by their openly saying that the King was coming
to Rome in the character of its master, and with
no intention whatever of marching against the
Austrians.
Murat, however, had no wish to come face to
face with his own compatriots, Miollis and the
rest of the French whom his treachery was about
to outrage ; and so he sent yet another of his agents,
the Comte de Vauguyon, to represent him in Rome,
together with Zuccari and Maghella. De Vau-
guyon, who arrived there as a mere tourist, carried
with him in his pocket his commission as Governor-
General of the Roman States, signed and sealed
by Murat. Of this commission, however, he did
not make use until the time was come, but remained
for a while quietly, and, to all appearances, an
unpretentious sight-seer at an hotel in the Piazza
di Spagna.
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 29
By the night of January 18 everything seemed
to the conspirators in Palazzo Farnese to be ready
for their purpose. On that night, then, Maghella
went to dine with Miollis * at the latter's residence
in the Doria Palace. Over their wine the talk
was led by Maghella on to the subject of antiquities
in general, and, in particular, of MioUis's own col-
lection of pictures and statuary in his villa known
as the Villa Aldobrandini-MioUis. So disarmed was
the General by the astute Maghella's flattery of his
views on art, and the ardent expression of Maghella's
desire to view his collection, that Miollis offered to
show it to him personally, early on the following
morning — an ofl^er no sooner made than accepted.
In order, therefore, to be punctually on the spot,
Miollis, in lieu of sleeping, as had been his wont
for some weeks, in the fortress of Sant' Angelo,
whither he had withdrawn his meagre force of
artillery and ammunition as a precaution against
any attempt upon them by night on the part of
the Romans, decided to remain at Palazzo Doria.
No sooner, however, had the two men parted
company, than Maghella, returning to his confederate
Zuccari, told him of the success of the ruse by
which he had not only separated Miollis from his
artillery, but had also allayed his suspicions against
Murat for the time being. There would never be
a better opportunity of achieving their end ; and,
* Who, by then, had no illusions left as to the schemes of Murat
and his creatures.
30 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
at once, the two sent word to Pignatelli — the same
as he of Murat's former attempts — to disarm the
French garrison as expeditiously as possible under
cover of the darkness. Likewise, to their " incog-
nito " chief, de Vauguyon, in Piazza di Spagna, to
say that the hour was come for him to reveal
himself. This he did, coming at once and in the
full uniform of his new rank, to Palazzo Farnese,
there to embrace his coadjutors and to draw up
with them a suitable proclamation informing the
Romans of the latest blessing bestowed upon them
by Heaven in response to their prayers for deliver-
ance from their French tormentors.
In this wise, MioUis being surrounded by an army
of Neapolitans far outnumbering his own, was
obliged to give in — but not until he had been
besieged for six weeks in the Castle of Sant' An-
gelo, whither, in the course of the next day, he
was allowed to retreat from Palazzo Doria by the
inertia of his foes, who appeared afraid to molest
him. Only on March lo, 1814, did he strike his
flag, at the dictate, solely, of starvation, and march
out with his few " faithfuls," headed by Radet.
The honours of war were thankfully accorded to
them by order of Vauguyon.
And so ended the French tenure of Romagna,
leaving Murat the winner, as he imagined, of the
game.
But this was not to be. For Napoleon, per-
ceiving the treachery of Murat, had already written
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 31
to Pius VII, restoring his dominions to him, on
January 1 8, in the very hour of Maghella's dinner
with Miollis ; and the Pope was now preparing to
take possession of them once more — and that with
the whole of Europe at his back. It was at Bologna
that they met, the Pontiff and Murat,* on which
occasion it is said that the soldier of fortune, in
his endeavour to persuade Pius VII of the desire
of the Romans to come under his, Murat's, own
rule, showed him a petition signed by the heads of
many noble families, in which they testified their
preference ; and that the other, refusing even to
glance at the list of traitors to himself, their only
rightful Sovereign, tore it up and threw the fragments
into the fire.
And so they separated, the Pope on his way to
Rome, and Murat on that leading to his defeat at
the hands of the Austrians at Occhiobello, by which
he was to be made an outcast and an adventurer
during the little time that remained to him on
earth.
In the meanwhile. General Sixtus de Miollis,
followed by the remnant of his army, was sorrow-
fully retracing his steps towards the place whence he
had formerly set out so full of belief in the irre-
sistible power of his Emperor. The violation of the
papal neutrality in the European struggle, from
which he had hoped so much, had utterly failed of
* Then on the march against Austria in consequence of the
failure of the attempted treaty.
32 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
its purpose, and Rome was once more the capital of
its lawful monarch — just as one looks forward soon
to see another capital, that of Belgium, wrested from
the condition to which it was recently subjected by
another General Sixtus — Sixtus von Arnim — in this
present year of 1914.
The six years during which the Romans had
lived under their French masters had been a
severe test of character. All that was best and
worst had been sifted to its foundations and had
come out on one side or the other. If many, alas 1
of the nobility had been found wanting both in
loyalty to their religious inheritance and their
Sovereign, others, again, had proved their right
indisputably to the title of " the Faithful."
Among the latter there is no more striking
example than that of the House of Patrizi in the
person of its eldest son, Don Giovanni, the hero
of these " Memoirs." Jeered at in softer times
for his devotion to the Catholic Church, by lesser
men, Don Giovanni yet showed himself in the hour
of danger to be a Man — to the manifest confusion
of his detractors who, themselves, offered little or
no resistance to Napoleon's blandishments and
threats. In truth, so impressed by Don Giovanni's
fearlessness were even his adversaries that he had
no more sincere admirers than the very men whose
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 33
unsuccessful mission it was to coerce him. Both
Miollis and Tournon have testified their apprecia-
tion of his unflinching courage. For they were
neither of them cowards — and, to brave men, a
brave man, albeit an opponent, is ever of their
common brotherhood.
THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
CHAPTER I
On January 3, 1796, the Palazzo della Consulta on
the Quirinal hill was the scene of a very brilliant
assembly gathered to celebrate the betrothal of
Marchese Giovanni Naro Patrizi to the Princess
Cunegonda of Saxony. The host was Cardinal
Braschi, the nephew of the reigning Pope, and some
of the greatest names in Europe were included in
the list of his guests, among whom was Prince
Augustus of England. But the interest of all was
centred on the bride, her father, Prince Xavier of
Saxony, and her brother. Prince Joseph. Of the
three, perhaps Prince Joseph excited the most
curiosity, not only because he had not been seen
in Rome before, but on account of an adventure of
his at the Court of Russia two years earlier. The
connection with Russian affairs was of long standing,
for Prince Xavier, the father of Joseph and Cunegonda,
was the second son of Frederic Augustus II of
Poland, and for several years regent for his young
nephew, Frederic Augustus III, who became the
first King of Saxony. The young Prince Joseph
35
36 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
had been taken into great affection by the Empress
Catharine, a favour which had apparently excited
jealousy in her Court, for he was drawn into a
violent quarrel with a Russian nobleman who instantly
challenged him to fight a duel. Before the affair
could come off the Empress was informed of what
had taken place, and her fury knew no bounds on
hearing that Joseph's adversary had dared to challenge
a Prince of the Blood. She punished her subject's
audacity by condemning him to Siberia for eight years.
Two of these were over when the Prince assisted at his
sister's betrothal. Six years afterwards Count ,
having worked out the term of his imprisonment,
was set at liberty, and his first act was to call out
Prince Joseph again. The duel, postponed for eight
years, was fought to a finish this time ; the Russian's
eye and hand, as also his vindictiveness, had not
weakened in captivity, and he killed his man.
Although the bride was called Cunegonda of
Saxony, she was really half Italian — a fact which
accounts in part for her complete mastery of the
language, and perhaps also for the readiness with
which she adapted herself to the Roman modes of
life, at that time rather different from those of the
French Court, where her childhood was passed.
Her father, the brother of the " Grande Dauphine,"
the mother of Louis XVI, had departed from the
traditions of his class and married for love. While
he was acting as Regent for his nephew, he was con-
stantly obliged to confer with the boy's mother, and
PRINCE XAVIER OF SAXONY 37
thus made the acquaintance of her lady-in-waiting, a
beautiful Italian girl, the Contessina Chiara Spinelli
of Fermo.
We first hear of the young lady as having been
introduced, with her uncle and her brother, at the
Court of Vienna by the poet Metastasio. The
reasons for their visit are not explained, but we
gather that they were cordially welcomed, and, when
they wished to travel further, warmly recommended
to the mother of the King of Saxony, for not only
was Chiara at once attached to the royal lady's house-
hold, but honourable employments were found for
her father and her brother as well.
Prince Xavier fell madly in love with her, and
a secret marriage took place. But it was not
possible to keep the secret long. The Prince,
learning that his relations with the maid of honour
had become the subject, first of gossip and then
of scandal, at once declared the fact of his marriage,
and turned all his energies to obtaining the recogni-
tion of his beautiful young wife as a Princess of
the Blood. He met, naturally, with violent opposi-
tion from all the related royalties, but such was
his determination and persistence that he succeeded
in the end, and all the privileges of his own rank
were formally granted to his wife. This victory
of affection was only gained when they had been
married for twelve years, and in the meanwhile,
the young King having come of age. Prince Xavier
wisely changed his residence and took up his abode
38 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
in France, where, as the uncle of the reigning
monarch, he was made exceedingly welcome.
He had great wealth, and, having bought the
chateau of Pont-sur-Seine from the Rohans, he
fitted it up very magnificently and made it, as he
fondly believed, his home and that of his children
after him. Here most of them were born, two
sons and five daughters, of whom Gondina, as she
was usually called, was the youngest but one.
Although the chateau was at some distance from
Paris, there seems to have been much pleasant
coming and going between it and Versailles, for
the Saxon Princesses were constantly with the
children of France, and there is in Palazzo Patrizi
a delightful little old album, in which Gondina
tried her small hand at drawing. There are
sketches of flowers and scenery, and portraits,
childish but quite recognisable, of Louis XVI,
Marie Antoinette, and the Dauphin. Also a dis-
tinctly malicious sketch of a prim, elderly woman
with a most disagreeable expression, a governess
she-dragon of some kind, who was evidently not
popular in the royal nurseries.
The relics of Gondina's happy childhood have an
almost tragic charm, for the clouds of the Revolution
were already heavy on the horizon when she wrote
her careful exercises in history and poetry in those
yellow old copy-books, she and all around her in the
hot-house of the Court so utterly unconscious of the
impending cataclysm. Among her things is a tiny
" A
THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 39
almanac bound in brown leather, "Etrennes mignones
(sic) curieuses et utiles pour Tannic 1790," published
by the Court Printer, Guillot. Stamped in gold, on
the cover, is a picture of the storming of the Bastille !
In the letterpress is given an account, carefully edited
for royal ears, of the events of the preceding year.
The eldest of Gondina*s sisters was happily married,
before the storm broke, to the Due d'Esclignac.
The King made a very grand affair of her wedding,
both he and the Queen assisting in person at the
ceremony. Unlike many others of their class, the
d'Esclignacs succeeded in making good their escape,
and taking refuge in Saxony. The young Duchess's
father and mother fled with their other children to
Italy, but the splendid home at Pont-sur-Seine was
sacked from top to bottom by the revolutionists,
who, however, overlooked the family archives and
the valuable library, both of which properties arc
now preserved in the State Library at Troyes.
Prince Xavier brought his family to Fermo, in the
hope that her native air would restore his wife's
health, which had suff^ered severely from the terrify-
ing shocks of the past few months. She revived
wonderfully at first, and in the autumn of 1792
seemed so much better that he ventured to leave
her with her relations in Fermo and to take his four
young daughters for a journey to Augsburg, where
he seems to have had some affairs to settle. To his
great grief, however, his beloved wife grew suddenly
worse and died before he could return to Fermo.
40 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
Princess Chiara*s death was a terrible blow to her
husband. He felt that without her sweet presence
family life was no longer possible. His eldest son
died just as he was about to enter the Church ;
whilst the younger, Prince Joseph, entered the army
and was attached to the Russian service ; so that
there were left only the four daughters, and poor
Prince Xavier, realising his inability to superintend
their education himself, brought them to Rome and
confided them to his good friend, the Princess
Cornelia Barberini.
What the poor children thought of the transfer
is not recorded. No one in those days took any
notice of young people*s feelings, and we may be
sure that these were only expressed to each other.
It would have been considered outrageous for
them to dispute the rulings of their omnipotent
and supposedly all-wise elders ; but it is more
than probable that many bitter tears were shed
in the big bedroom in the Barberini palace when
the rushlight burnt low and their attendants were
asleep. The gay untrammelled life at Pont-sur-Seine
and Versailles, for all the terrors and storms in
which it had closed, must have looked wonder-
fully sweet and kind compared to their present
existence. The loss of their mother was naturally
an ever-present grief ; now, in a manner of speaking,
their father was lost to them too, and they were
probably very much afraid of Princess Barberini,
who seems to have been rather a stern person, if one
THE FOUR PRINCESSES 41
may judge by the steps she took to carrry out the
charge laid upon her.
She had not the slightest idea of being daily
and hourly responsible for four beautiful heiresses
brought up on far less Spartan lines than those
of Roman noble families ; and so, without a
moment's hesitation, she shut the young Prin-
cesses up in the convent of the Oblates of Tor
de' Specchi, there to be kept under lock and key
till they were of marriageable age, and suitable
marriages had been arranged for them ! * The
whole arrangement looks very cruel to us, and
one's heart aches over what the subjects of it
must have suffered day after day and month
after month — the wearisome confinement of young
minds and bodies in the dull convent precincts,
the longing for air and fun and freedom that must
have consumed those poor little hearts !
It took four years to liberate them all. One
by one they were brought out to meet the
husbands chosen for them — to promise and vow
all that a woman can give, to a complete stranger,
and, what seems most wonderful, to live up to
the vows ! Gondina was the third to emerge
from the convent, and the history of her life with
Giovanni Naro Patrizi is the history of an ideal
love-marriage unshadowed by a cloud, warm and
* In quite recent years a curiously similar incident occurred.
Four young heiresses, sisters, were confided to these distinguished
Religious, to be taken care of till they should reach a marriageable
age.
42 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
tender and faithful to the very end, a union
where perfect trust and perfect affection hallowed
and illuminated every thought and action of
husband and wife. Both, it is true, were pro-
foundly religious at heart, and, regarding their
union as a supremely sacred matter, brought every
sense and feculty to fulfilling the obligations it
imposed ; one can only feel that their crystal
purity of intention received its fitting reward.
There is something to be said, too, for the
atmosphere in which they found themselves, an
atmosphere where virtue and faith and sweetness
were expected as matters of course, and where
the modern theory of individual rights, irrespective
of family obligations, would have been regarded
as the blackest of heresies.
Princess Gondina had always put her whole
heart into whatever she undertook ; her little
copybooks are full of a clear, strong handwriting,
and testify to a great deal of intelligence as well
as good-will even when she was very young. That
her intelligence was much above the average is
shown by her later correspondence. Her views
are always sensible as well as elevated, and they
are expressed with commendable clearness and
concentration. Her husband's complete trust in
her judgment is shown again and again during
the enforced separation which events induced.
After writing to express his own wishes and
feelings on the burning questions which arose,
*Mt^j^»*<aaffrtM YiiTitiiii fci «^
THE COVER OF AN ALAANAC.
Formerly in the possession of Cunegonda.
FROM CONVENT TO PALACE 43
he always wound up by saying, *' Nevertheless, I
leave everything in your hands. Use your own
judgment — it will certainly be right."
The most important years of Gondina's develop-
ment had been passed in the close seclusion of the
convent, where, judged by modern standards, the
education must have been anything but liberal ; yet
when she came out to be married she at once took
her place in an exceedingly critical, and, to her, quite
unknown society, with perfect grace and dignity,
and learned men pronounced her to be a very
cultivated woman. A letter written before her
marriage describes her as " so beautiful, so white,
so diaphanous, that she is enchanting to behold.
Her hands are miraculous. . . . She is very gentle
and very cultured."
When she married Giovanni Patrizi, his father,
Francesco, was a man of only middle age, and in every
sense the head of the family. His son could own
no property during his father's life-time, and the
latter ruled, in theory, as autocratically as any
oriental potentate. But, in fact, he was not par-
ticularly interested in ruling ; his own tastes and
aspirations were literary and artistic, and he gladly
left the management of his many affairs to his wife
Porzia, and his eldest son. The former was a very
notable woman, and the administration could not
have fallen into more capable hands. Judged from
her own letters alone, of which there arc great
numbers in the Patrizi archives, she appears as the
44 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
most practical and the most resolute of business
women. Her handwriting is vigorously masculine,
and her orders as short and incisive as military
commands. But in the private diaries and letters
of her children Porzia Patrizi appears in quite
a different light, tenderly affectionate and warm-
hearted, scrupulously considerate of the feelings of
others, and a pillar of strength in time of trouble.
The only portrait of *' Marchesa Porzia " in the
Patrizi gallery was painted very soon after her
marriage, and one finds it difficult to connect the
smiling, rather mischievous, but extremely pretty
young woman, dressed in the richest of Pompadour
costumes — all gold lace and rosebuds — with the
mother and grandmother of later life, who (like a
certain gentleman of Irish fame) was loved as much as
she was feared, and feared as much as she was loved.
Marchesa Porzia and Cunegonda of Saxony under-
stood each other at once, and the tie between them
only strengthened with the passing of years. Yet, to
our modern eyes, the relation would seem a very
hazardous one at first sight, for the etiquette of
the time did not grant the young couple even a
day of privacy after their wedding. This took
place on January 7, at the Church of St. Philip
Neri, a saint for whom Giovanni Patrizi had a
special devotion. There was a grand feast and
reception afterwards at the Patrizi Palace, and when
this was over the bride and bridegroom drove out
to Albano, accompanied by the latter's father and
AARCHESA PORZIA.
The wife of Francesco Fatrizi.
GONDINA^S WEDDING 45
mother and his uncle, Monsignor Naro. The next
day all the other relations and many friends went
out to Albano, and were entertained at dinner ;
then the whole party returned to Rome together,
and Giovanni and his Gondina began their married
life as a couple of grown-up children always under
the eyes of their elders. That such was the pre-
vailing custom in all the patrician Roman families
we know ; but there can have been few, if any, where
the system worked with such absolute smoothness
and harmony as in Palazzo Patrizi. In the im-
mensely voluminous archives of that time (they
were all great letter-writers and diarists) there is
not a hint of a disagreement on any subject ; not
a shadow or suspicion of discord ever darkens a
single page. The keenest interest and sympathy
in one another's joys and sorrows, the glow of
perfect trust and understanding, illuminate every
record of the family from the time of Giovanni's
marriage, and the heavy trials that fell upon them
some years later seem only to have drawn them all
more closely together.
There were no clouds on the horizon when
Princess Cunegonda came to gladden the rather
elderly and serious circle of Casa Patrizi. Her
mother-in-law was as eminent, if we may use the
word, in social gifts as in practical ones, and she
exercised a great influence over the society of Rome
at that time. She had, like all the other great ladies
of her day, a kind of court composed of admirers
46 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
and friends ; but those admitted to Marchesa Porzia's
intimacy were all men of marked distinction in one
way or another, and the faithfulness with which
they passed their evenings in her salon showed
clearly enough the high estimation in which they
held her. The list of names is imposing — Cardinal
Consalvi, Cardinal Albani, and many other Eminences
and Monsignori, the Grand Master of the (temporarily
suppressed) Knights of Malta, the Governor of Rome,
and more of the same stamp. It strikes one as a
somewhat sombre society this, into which the young
girl fresh from her convent was suddenly introduced.
But the good fairies who had hovered over her cradle
had dowered her with some subtle and exquisite
power by which she drew all hearts, young or old,
to love her and rejoice over her. She at once
became the acknowledged queen and idol of the
Patrizi household and the Patrizi salon. Her father-
in-law wrote her the tenderest verses ; the prelates
and men of letters vied with one another in the
court they paid her ; and it says much for both her
character and that of her mother-in-law that the
latter, although a comparatively young woman her-
self, never seemed to feel the slightest jealousy of
the blooming girl who had thus come to share her
throne. On the contrary, the Marchesa Porzia
seemed to take pleasure in the popularity of her
charming daughter-in-law. When the nursery of the
Palace began to fill she took upon herself the chief
care of the children, their young mother being rather
THE MARRIAGE DOWRY 47
delicate, but at the same time she deferred in all
things regarding them to their mother's wishes.
To us, who happen to remember the reign of a
recent grandmother in that same house, it seems
an unheard-of marvel that Marchesa Porzia, eighty
or ninety years nearer the patriarchal days, should
ever have deferred to anybody at all.
One detail of Cunegonda's marriage strikes one
curiously as affording a remarkable contrast to the
practice of later times. Her father. Prince Xavier,
wished to give each of his daughters a dowry of
fifty thousand dollars ; but a special permission had
to be obtained for this large-handedness from the
Pope, the cash dowry of any bride of a noble house
being limited by statute to the sum of thirty thousand
dollars. As usual, even in our own day, only a
small portion of the income was settled upon the
bride for her pin-money — in Cunegonda's case seven
hundred dollars a year — the remainder passing en-
tirely under the control of her husband's family,
to be used and administered for the general benefit.
One reads so often in the ancient chronicles of
heiresses bringing enormous properties to their
husbands that the mention of the old statute strikes
a rather surprising note.
One great pleasure Cunegonda must have had
was in finding in her new home a wee sister-in-law
of three years old, with whom she could fancy her-
self a child again, until her own children came to
fill her heart. Her sisters, it is true, were living
48 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
in Rome, one married to the eldest son of Prince
Altieri, one to the Duca Riario, and one, the
youngest, to Marchese Massimo ; but as each had,
like herself, been absorbed into the husband's family
and taken up with his interests, Gondina depended
almost entirely on the Patrizi circle for sociability
and cheer. Any friends whom she introduced there
were, however, cordially received, and one, the
sculptor Canova, taken into the little ring of inti-
mates who constantly met in Marchesa Porzia's
drawing-room. For Gondina he executed a charming
marble head of the Madonna, which is still a
treasured possession of her descendants.
Her first boy was born in June 1797, and named,
after his great-grandfather, Xavier ; the second, Con-
stantine, came in the following year, and the last,
Filippo, who seems to have been a most quaint and
vivacious child, five years later, in 1803. He and
Xavier were born Romans, but Constantine's birth
took place in Siena, which was the original cradle of
the Patrizis, and where they owned — and still own
— a large palace. In this connection it should be
said that there have been three acknowledged saints
in the family, the last of which, he of Siena, had
a rather curious history. Some five hundred years
ago the gilded youth of the city had entered into
a league to see who could ruin himself first in the
race for pleasure. Terrible scandals ensued, but
neither threats nor prayers availed to bring them
to better ways. Among these young profligates
THE "BEATO TARLATO '^ 49
the Patrizi boy was distinguished for the wildest
misdeeds, the maddest course of dissipation, until
something — what, precisely, is unknown to this
day — arrested, terrified, and converted him all in a
moment. He embraced a life of constant prayer
and severe penance, and, at the end of no more
than a single year, died in the odour of sanctity.
His body is preserved incorrupt, but much mummi-
fied, at Siena, where he is greatly venerated, though
not by his baptismal name. Strangers are naturally
puzzled when the good " Sanesi " refer casually to their
*' Beato Tarlato," the "Blessed Moth-eaten One " ;
but the poor saint is never called anything else,
because his face is all pitted with tiny indentations
such as one sees in worm-eaten wood. When a
small " Sanese " is born into the world he is carried
to the Duomo to be baptized, and before returning
home is always taken to pay his respects to the
" Beato Tarlato." It happened that one of the
present generation of Patrizi children was born in
Siena, but the heads of the family had forgotten
all about the expected visit to the " saint,'' and the
baby, who was rather delicate, was brought straight
back from the Duomo to the palace. Then there
broke forth a storm of shocked protest — the town
fairly hummed with indignation. What, a child
of the Patrizi, born in Siena, had not been taken
to salute the holy ancestor and receive his blessing .?
What an affront to the good patron ! What was
the world coming to when such things could happen ?
4
50 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
All of which, being faithfully reported to the
child^s mother, she hastened to allay the tempest by
causing it to be proclaimed that she wished to take
the infant herself, and that as soon as she was
sufficiently recovered to go out her first visit should
be made in state to the " Beato.'* The towns-
people, good souls, saw in this an unusual zeal for
their protector's honour, and declared themselves
satisfied ; but insisted on receiving due notice before-
hand of the day and hour arranged for the ex-
pedition. This was of course conceded, and when
at last the Marchesa drove out, with the baby in
her arms, the whole city was en fete. All the church
bells were ringing together, garlands and tapestries
decorated the streets, fireworks blazed, and the
shrine of the " Beato Tarlato " was more gorgeously
illuminated with fine wax candles than it had ever
been before. He seems to have smiled on the
delicate baby, for it grew up as strong and vigorous
as all its brothers and sisters !
It is a responsibility, as well as a benediction, to
have saints in the family. One of the Gonzagas
was heard to say that he hoped their own list of
holy ones was by this time complete, since one
more canonisation would bankrupt his line ! Where
there are wealthy descendants, they are naturally
expected to contribute to the many expenses con-
nected with the long anterior examination of facts
and the great ceremonies of the crowning function
itself when this is decided upon.
THREE PATRIZI SAINTS 51
In another town in Tuscany there is a Patrizi
saint whose tomb is opened once every hundred
years. Then from all over Italy the devout gather
to honour and invoke him, bringing many rich
offerings to the church where his body reposes.
In the palace in Rome there is a painting showing
the portraits of the three holy ancestors on the same
canvas, but without distinguishing them by name.
The central head in the picture had always passed
for that of this collateral ancestor until a short time
since, when, his centenary recurring, the young
Marchese (who succeeded his father some eight
years ago) was deputed by his mother to represent
the family at the celebrations. It sounds like a
trying ordeal for youthful nerves to preside at the
opening of a coffin five or six hundred years old,
but on each preceding occasion the body had been
found absolutely incorrupt, and there was no reason
to expect that any change should have taken place
in the last intervening century. Nor had it. The
saint lay as if just fallen asleep, so bland and life-
like that it seemed as if he must open his eyes when
the unaccustomed daylight struck them. His limbs
and joints were supple as those of a slumbering
child, and so little had five hundred years changed
his features that the young Marchese, on returning
home, pointed out his real portrait, saying : '' We
have been quite mistaken. 'This is he — not the one
we have always called by his name ! "
CHAPTER II
In order to make clear the condition of things in
Rome during the closing years of the Napoleonic
supremacy it is necessary to touch briefly on facts
some of which have been alluded to in a preceding
work of the translator, " Italian Yesterdays." The
First Consul, from a variety of motives, some
doubtless sincere, some purely political, had under-
taken the re-establishment of religion in France,
and had won great applause for his pious intentions ;
but the high hopes founded on his proclamations
and promises soon faded away. The illusions which
Pius VII had nourished were rudely dispelled, and
the detailed account of the Concordat of 1801 is the
record of a veritable Via Crucis of sorrow and pain.
Nevertheless, officially, the First Consul figured as
the benefactor and protector of the Church, and,
once seated on the Imperial Throne, traded very
largely on what he considered a valuable asset to his
credit.
When he insisted on the Pope's presence at his
coronation, Pius consented to attend, in the hope
that by personal intercourse it would be possible to
do much for the reorganisation and improvement of
52
NAPOLEON AND THE POPE 53
church matters both in France and Italy, the king-
dom which had permitted Napoleon to don the iron
crown of the Lombard Sovereigns before setting
himself to attain the imperial one which had been
worn by Charlemagne. The incidents of the coro-
nation in Notre Dame showed with brutal frankness
that the Emperor intended the Pope to be regarded
actually as his Head Chaplain. After keeping the
venerable Pontiff waiting in the cathedral for an
hour and a half, he crowned himself and then his
wife — an act more eloquent of his real intentions
than any explicit programme could possibly have
been. Henceforth Rome was to be merely the
second capital of the Empire.
Pius VII returned thither after an absence of six
months in great grief of mind. No further illusions
were possible, and the Emperor barely took the
trouble to find pretexts for his systematic encroach-
ments on the papal territories and for the persecution
of papal subjects. His demands were so arrogant
that not even he could have imagined they would be
granted, and they became more insulting every day.
He was furious because the Pope refused to annul
the marriage of Jerome with the American Pro-
testant, Miss Patterson ; he demanded that the
representatives of Powers hostile to France should
be banished from Rome, and the ports of the papal
dominions closed to their vessels ; he insisted that
the Pope should instal Joseph Bonaparte on the
throne of Ferdinand in Naples ; and his last pre-
54 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
tension was that France should have the management
of ecclesiastical aflfairs. He knew that he was de-
manding the impossible ; his own plans were clearly
defined in his mind, and he was simply invent-
ing pretexts for carrying them out in the belief
that, although the nobles were opposed to him,
the mass of the people would receive him with
acclamation.
By February 1808 the French troops were in
possession of Rome and all the Roman territories ;
the Pope's flag had been removed, whilst the French
tricolor was raised on Castel Sant' Angelo, and
eight cannon were planted before the Quirinal
Palace, the Pope's residence. All prelates and eccle-
siastics not Roman-born were banished from the
city. By March 3 1 General Herbin had reviewed
the pontifical troops, and despatched them to Naples
to be incorporated in the French army. Several
subjects of the Holy Father, and an officer of King
Ferdinand IV of Naples, had been shot by order
of General de Miollis. Pius VII, while always
adjuring his subjects to avoid bloodshed, protested
indignandy but in vain against all these outrages.
All the public offices were filled with French function-
aries ; the clergy were required to take the oath
of allegiance to the usurper, which most of them
refused to do and were deported. To crown all,
it was ordered that Te Deums should be sung in
every church of the city in thanksgiving for the
" Liberation of Rome.'*
CARDINAL PACCA 55
These measures naturally met with the most
stubborn resistance. For some time the French
authorities had to turn their whole attention to
capturing and disposing of the recalcitrants. The
entire corps of the Noble Guards was put under
arrest ; its commander, Prince Altieri, was im-
prisoned in Castel Sant' Angelo ; priests and offi-
cials by hundreds were deported to prisons in the
north of Italy and in France. The invaders had
broken up the Pope's immediate household some
months earlier, when Cardinal Gabrielli, his Secre-
tary of State, had been sent into banishment, his
place being filled (September 1 808) by Cardinal Pacca,
the wisest and most faithful of all the PontifFs
adherents. Cardinal Pacca' s removal being now
needed, in order that his beloved master might be
deprived of even moral support, his rooms at the
Quirinal were suddenly invaded one day by a com-
pany of French soldiers, and he was told that he
must leave Rome within the hour.
The Holy Father, informed by his attendants
of what was taking place, forgot his age and in-
firmities, forgot his personal danger, and flew to
the Cardinal's rescue in such a storm of indignation
that his adversaries seem to have been momentarily
paralysed into inaction, for Pius VIT took bodily
possession of his friend and carried him off to his
own apartments, where they were both kept close
prisoners for ten long months, cut off from com-
munication with the outside world, and not knowing
56 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
from one day' to another what new blow would be
struck at them.
The blow was long in falling, for, in spite of
all that his rigours could bring to bear, Napoleon
was still afraid that if he laid hands on the Pope
the result might be a revolution in the city. So,
many months were allowed to pass in order to
dispel any apprehensions that might be afloat as
to the Sovereign's personal safety, and, when his
abduction had been decided upon, every precaution
was taken to insure secrecy and despatch. In the
dead of night, on July 5, 1809, scaling-ladders
were set up against the windows of his rooms, and
the kidnapping party under General Radet forced
an entrance. The process, though, was neither so
silent nor so rapid as was hoped, for the inmates
(who had doubtless learnt to be very light sleepers
by that time !) immediately became aware of what
was going on. The Pope realised that he was
about to be carried away, and in those last precious
moments of liberty, while his assailants were scrap-
ing their ladders against his windows, he thought
only of his people, and wrote, with complete con-
centration and calmness, the famous proclamation
which, confided then and there to some trusty
hand, was printed and posted all over Rome by
the next morning. Torn down a hundred times,
a hundred times it reappeared, to the rage of the
French authorities, until every Roman could almost
repeat it by heart. For nobility and simplicity, as
THE ARREST OF PIUS VII 57
well as for profound Christian feeling, it is worthy
to rank in the archives of humanity with the
prayer in which Pius IX poured out his heart on
the Scala Santa on September 19, 1870.
Pius VII had been taken unawares in material
things, so that he had but one small piece of
silver money in his possession that night. But
if fate was trying to surprise him into showing
fear or anger she must have been grievously dis-
appointed. By the time Radet's ruffians broke
into the Pontiff's room he was kneeling at his
prie-dieu^ fully dressed, and he scarcely looked
round at their entrance. Dragged roughly to his
feet, he bade farewell to his weeping attendants,
gave them the blessing which they knelt to implore,
and then he was hurried downstairs, pushed into
a carriage, of which the blinds were already fastened
down ; the doors were locked as soon as he was
inside, and then, surrounded by mounted guards,
he was driven away at full speed across the
Campagna, towards the north.
It is not necessary to follow Pius VII on this
sad journey. Some of the incidents of his captivity
have been described in a former volume,* and
for us the chief interest lies in the sequence
of events in Rome after his departure. For it was
then that Napoleon began to put into effect the
measures which, he believed, would result in the
Gallicising of Italy, an end which he looked upon
* " Italian Yesterdays," vol. i.
58 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
as absolutely necessary to the stability of his rule
over his new subjects. With this object in view,
the heads of the great houses, to the number of
thirty, were " invited '* to form a municipal council
for the government of the city. Various lures in
the way of pay and distinction were held out,
but of thirty only four so far fell from grace as
to accept the degrading favour. Twenty-one never
condescended to answer the communication at all ;
but five, in an outburst of generous indignation,
refused it categorically and with contumely. These
were Altieri, Massimo, Barberini, Rospigliosi, and
Francesco Patrizi, the father-in-law of Cunegonda
of Saxony. Prince Altieri had already drawn upon
himself the imperial disfavour not only on account
of his violently anti-French opinions, but also by
what the French police reports called his " ridiculous
devotion to his wife, the Princess of Saxony.'*
Massimo had married another of the royal sisters
whom Napoleon so much disliked, and he was
able to strike at three of them with one blow
when he gave the order to have the five nobles
above mentioned brought to Paris and detained
as prisoners for a year and a half, during which
period they were ordered to report themselves to
the police once a week.
But this was only the beginning. The conqueror's
most cherished design was to possess himself of the
rising generation in Italy and completely denation-
alise it. For this purpose he directed that a census
THE "GOLDEN LEVY'* 59
should be taken of all the noble families of the
country, from the highest to the least considerable,
with the statistics of their incomes and the number
and names and ages of their male children. Those
who were grown up, whether married or single,
were to be drafted into the Garde Imp6riale or
employed in various offices at Court. Those whose
education was not yet completed were to be sent to
different military schools established in France,
to be trained for service in the army — at the expense
of their parents, although the latter were to renounce
all authority over their children and all right of
interference in the education to be meted out to
them. The " Golden Levy," as it was called, was
to include all nobly born boys, except those of
delicate constitution, from the age of eight upwards.
Every possible detail had to be furnished regard-
ing the subjects chosen. Their age, health, apti-
tudes, and general disposition, together with the
exact rank and fortune of their parents, were all
subjects of the strictest inquiry ; so that the scheme
took a long time to organise, and the Marchese
Francesco Patrizi had been set at liberty and had
returned to his home when the first shot was fired,
so to speak, at his own family, in the shape of an
intimation to his son Giovanni, announcing that
General de Miollis had graciously nominated him
to have the honour of serving " at the feet of
H.L Majesty '* in the Imperial Guard in Paris.
Needless to say, the " honour " was refused, and
6o THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
the next mention of the Patrizi occurs in a secret
report from the head of the police in Rome to the
Due de Rovigo, the Minister of Police in Paris.
The report describes, with almost hysterical alarm,
a pious society known as the " Forty Hours," just
founded in Rome for the perpetual adoration of the
Blessed Sacrament. It was composed of four
hundred gentlemen who, in companies of four, took
turns in praying all night in whichever church was
designated for the devotion of the " Forty Hours."
This struck the French police as such an inexplicable
fancy that they decided the arrangement must cloak
a dangerous conspiracy, and they sent the account
of it to Paris in duplicate, by special couriers, one
in April and one in May 1810. The Marchese
Patrizi (meaning the elder) was named as one of the
chief leaders and organisers of the evidently evil-
intentioned band of plotters.
All the prayers that were being put up in Rome
could not avert the next blow which fell upon it and
which convulsed society to its base. The census
for the " Golden Levy *' had been taken with great
precautions, and the whole scheme kept a profound
secret until it was ripe for execution. Then, in one
day, a score of families were notified that the
Emperor, in his great kindness and clemency, had
named their boys as pupils in his military schools,
a favour for which the parents were to show their
gratitude by sending the children to France with the
least possible delay.
THE "GOLDEN LEVY" 6i
It had never been the habit of the nobles to
send their sons away from home for their education.
This was carried on by a private tutor under
their parents' very watchful eyes, and even those
who were attending the University Courses lived
at home. The system continues to this day.
The Emperor's so-called favours elicited a tempest
of protest, and the office of the Count de
Tournon, the Prefect of Rome, was stormed by
distracted mothers imploring him to intervene
and not permit their children to be taken away
from them. Theirs was not merely selfish grief,
or maternal fear that their sons would not be
kindly treated ; their despair was only too well
justified by the irreligion and immorality of the
French establishments. The Emperor's decree,
if carried out, would mean that every attempt
would be made to wean the young souls from
Faith as well as patriotism — and in those simple
times people thought as much about their children's
souls as they did about their brains and bodies.
Count de Tournon, a wise and kind-hearted
man, opposed the new ordinance with all his
might ; but he was powerless to prevent it from
being carried out. He had been tormented for
information of the most intimate kind as to the
families involved, and in his Memoirs,* he says :
* M. Louis Madelin had access to Count de Tournon's Memoirs,
and drew upon themjlargely for " La Rome de Napoleon ;" but they
are still unpublished, as are all other documents referred to in this
connection except the Memoirs of Cardinal Pacca.
63 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
" I was overwhelmed with fresh questions. Then,
all at once, I received through the Governor the
nomination of a multitude of young men and
boys to be sub-lieutenants, to be pupils in military
schools, to be pages, etc. The dismay was over-
whelming, and one cry came from the heart of
every mother.
** I was appalled by this act, which was only
calculated to estrange the parents without giving
any solid guarantees to France by taking possession
of a few children. The policy of M. de Rovigo
was carrying us back to the most barbarous times.
I had nothing to do with the execution of the
measure, which was confided to the Government
and the Chief of Police; but I received all the
complaints, 1 heard the lamentations of the families,
and I suffered for them and for my country, upon
which all the hatred must fall. I attempted to
intervene, and did obtain a few exemptions, but
the greater number had to submit."
Poor Count Tournon was regarded by the Romans
as a hard man entirely devoted to the interests of
Napoleon. They believed he could have averted
their misfortunes had he so desired ; his position for
some years was a peculiarly odious one, for it was
seJdom that he could obtain any leniency for people
whom he pitied from the bottom of his heart, and,
though he never failed to make the attempt, yet his
communications with the afflicted families were
chiefly confined to exhorting them to submit with
XAVIER AND PHILIP PATRIZI 63
patience rather than draw further disfavour on them-
selves by useless rebellion. It was not until the
Marchesa Patrizi obtained access to his private
papers that justice was done to his memory in
Rome.
In spite of the zeal of M. Roederer, the French
Prefect of Spoleto, and his subordinates, it was found
impossible to supply the two hundred names re-
quisitioned from Rome and Trasim^ne (the new
name for Umbria) for the French military schools.
The limit of age — eight to twelve — applying to that
of the Prytan^e de la Fleche caused the number
designated for that institution to fall short of fifteen,
although, as the lists show, the Roman families had
been sifted unsparingly. Among the children chosen
for La Fleche were two sons of Giovanni and
Cunegonda Patrizi, described as follows in the list
still preserved in Paris :
^' Patrizi, Xavier ; twelve years old ; family of the
ancient nobility. Parents' revenues, ten thousand
* scudi romani.' Observation : in good health and of
good constitution ; the eldest of the children.
" Patrizi, Philip ; eight years old, brother of the
above-mentioned. Good health. There is another
son, aged ten, who has delicate health."
The first summonses in obedience to the Emperor's
order were issued on July 9, 181 1, when Alessandro
64 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
Chigi and Urbano Barberini were called by imperial
decree to the school at St. Germain, two Ruspoli
boys, an Altieri, a Spada, a Sacchetti, and seventeen
others to Saint-Cyr, and thirty-four noble children
from Rome and Trasim^ne to the Prytan^e de la
Flkhe. On the same day the Emperor named a
Doria, a Santa Croce, a Pallavicini, an Odescalchi, a
Caetani, a Potenziani, and a Baglioni, as Councillors
of State. Resistance was attempted, but it was soon
recognised that reason was of no avail when opposed
to force, and it resolved itself for the most part into
more subtle attempts to evade the odious enactment.
Tournon in Rome and Roederer in Trasim^ne
were besieged with petitions from parents, furnish-
ing every imaginable excuse, including medical
certificates, to demonstrate the absolute necessity
of delaying the departure of their children for
France.
Roederer, who feared above all things to appear
wanting in zeal in carrying out the orders of his
imperial master, had a really genial inspiration. He
invited the recalcitrant parents of his district and
their children to a great dinner in his residence at
Spoleto. The invitation was gladly accepted, in the
hope of softening the Prefect's heart and of persuad-
ing him to convince his Government of the cruel
injustice of the ordinance. The feast went forward
with every appearance of cordiality till the moment
for the toasts arrived, when Roederer, rising with
his glass in his hand, made a speech in which he
TOURNON AND THE LEVY 65
wished the boys a pleasant journey, the greatest
profit from their studies, and, when the time should
come, the honour of acquiring world-wide fame in
the service of His Imperial and Royal Majesty.
Then, addressing the parents, he added that,
in order to spare them every inconvenience, he
had ordered for the following morning as many
coaches as would be required to convey their sons
to France.
Roederer was in no way averse to his task, but
the Prefect of Rome, as we have seen, carried out
the one assigned to him with the greatest repugnance.
He could scarcely bring himself to lend his aid to
General de Miollis, and, when obliged to send out
the brevets, generally left the disagreeable task to
his secretary. The brevets were distributed any-
how, at intervals of a few days, perhaps to minimise
the force of the general resistance and to allay ex-
citement. Toarnon was personally acquainted with
all the families designated for the "Leva dorata,"
and when the turn of the Casa Patrizi came he
foresaw the most obstinate resistance. Convinced
that this would seriously affect the prestige of the
Imperial Government in Rome, he employed every
argument he could think of to turn the tempest
aside, insisting almost violently to General de Miollis
upon the prudence of withdrawing the peremptory
order, and on the other hand using all his influence
with the Marchese Patrizi to persuade him to submit
to it quietly.
5
66 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
Here is the exact text of the Decree :
" Palace or Saint-Cloud,
''July 9, 1811.
" Napoleon Emperor of the French, King of Italy,
Protector of the Confederation of the Rhine,
Mediator of the Swiss Confederation, etc., etc.
" We have decreed and decree the following :
" Are named pupils and pensioners of our
Prytan^e * de la Fl^che. . . .
" Patrizi Xavier and Patrizi Philip. . . .
*' Our Ministers of War and of General Police
are charged with that which concerns them
respectively for the execution of this decree.
" Signed^
On August 30, 181 1, the following intimation
was sent to Palazzo Patrizi :
" The Auditor of the Council of State, Prefect of the
Department of Rome,
" To the Marchese Patrizi.
" Sir,
** I have the honour to inform you that
H.I. and R.M. has deigned to name your sons
Messrs. Xavier and Philip to be pupils at the mihtary
school of La Fl^che.
* The name is derived from the building reserved for the fifty
senators, who for a tenth part of the year, together with the
" Archons," directed the Government of Athens. They were called
" Prytanes." The word " Prytan6e " was usually employed in
France to designate a military school.
ORDERED TO LA FLECHE 67
** I enclose herewith the brevets of admission,
from which you can derive all necessary information
as to outfit, payments, and other details.
" I am persuaded that you will appreciate above
all the benevolent intentions shown by H.M. in
deigning to select your family before others.
** As the brevets explain that your sons are to
reach their destination without delay, I beg that
you will inform me of the precise day of their
departure, which must take place during the first
fortnight of September, and at the same time to
furnish me with their certificates of baptism made
out in due and legal form."
The communication is signed by a deputy of
the Prefect, who evidently disliked the thought
of appending his own name to the unlucky docu-
ment. With it came the brevets for the two boys,
signed in Paris by the Minister for War, the Due de
Feltre.
'* lo piu non credo che di dolor si muoia ! " *
It was with this cry of pain that the Marchese
Giovanni Patrizi began the writing of his memoirs
a few months before his death. Some years had
passed since the day when he was ordered to
send away his boys, but time could never obliterate
* " No more believe I men can die of grief ! "
68 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
the memory of the despair which then filled his
mind.
" I can declare from my own experience," he
writes, " that only a father, a Christian father, can
conceive of what I felt when, on August 7, 181 1,
I received the ominous news that a large number of
the sons of our Roman nobility had been summoned
by an imperial decree to be educated in French
military schools. I pitied the fate of the children no
less than that of their parents, and I was chilled with
the fear that I should all too soon be added to the
number, overtaken by the same misfortune. From
day to day I expected to receive the fatal announce-
ment, but 1 never ceased to offer fervent prayers to
Almighty God and the most Blessed Virgin that I
might become childless rather than renounce my
sacred right to give my sons a Christian education.
** We are always ready to believe in what we
desire ; when a few days had passed without bringing
the dreaded announcement there sprang up in my
heart the hope that, by a singular favour of Heaven,
my sons were not included in the dreadful decree.
And, as day followed day, this hope naturally became
stronger, and I began to sleep more tranquilly.
" On the twenty-ninth of August a note from the
Prefecture was brought to our house, addressed to
the Marchese Patrizi. It was, of course, intended
for my father ; but, as at that time his health was
not good, and I had taken over the management
of domestic affairs to relieve him, I felt authorised
FALSE HOPES 69
to open the missive. I learnt that the Prefect, or
rather his deputy (he being away on leave) desired
to speak with the Marchese that very morning, and
for this purpose requested him to call upon him
at the hour he named. I imagined that the business
had to do with agricultural matters, the extirpation
of the locusts, or something of the kind, matters
for the discussion of which we had, till then, sent
one of our stewards. Having no desire to visit the
Bureaux personally, I decided to follow precedent,
and sent on the note to the person who had hitherto
represented the family on these occasions. But
I was informed, in reply to my message, that this
person was very ill — as indeed was the case, for
he died three weeks later.
^' Feeling the strongest repulsion myself to setting
foot in the offices of the Prefecture, yet not wishing
to appear uncivil, I wrote to the Magistrate to say
that the Marchese Patrizi, being indisposed, could
not do as he was requested, but would attend to
the business, whatever it might be, in his own
house, if some one could be sent to him there.
" I had dismissed the trifling matter from my
mind, when, on the afternoon of the same day,
I happened to be with a friend, who asked me
if anything new had taken place in regard to my
sons.
*' ' Nothing, Heaven be praised ! ' I replied. He
congratulated me on this, and then went on to say
that, during the forenoon, a great number of parents
70 THE PA^^RIZI MEMOIRS
had been summoned to the Prefecture, and there
informed of the Decree by which one or more of
their children were ordered to military schools i'n
France.
** Great God ! only Thou knowest the pang that
went through my heart at my friend's words —
for now I understood the object of the intimation
received that morning. I turned pale, a deadly
chill came over me, and I left my friend abruptly
and staggered trembling along the streets without
knowing where 1 was going. The thought of
returning home and beholding my children again
filled me with dread ; I sought for some ray of
solace in my trouble, and found none. Nay,
Religion itself, to which Christians turn for con-
solation in the heaviest sorrows, served only, as
it were, to increase my distress. I already saw
my children handed over to irreligious teachers,
deprived of all means of preserving the seeds of
piety implanted in their tender hearts, seduced by
pernicious discourses, by wicked examples — already
vacillating in their faith, corrupted in their lives,
changed in a short time from innocent lambs into
ravening wolves 1 I hoped, it is true, that the
fatherly Providence of the Almighty would renew
in their favour the miracle of the Furnace of
Babylon ; but at the same time I recognised that
I could not reasonably hope for such a prodigy
unless I were obliged to give up my little ones
by irresistibly superior force.
LOVE'S DECEPTIONS 71
" These miserable reflections remained with me
all through that evening, through the sleepless
night which followed it, and all the next very sad
day. I only spoke to a few friends of the burden
which was oppressing me, and was careful not to
breathe a word of it to my parents or my wife.
I did not wish them to share my affliction a
moment sooner than should be necessary. But,
at the same time, it was beyond my powers of
deception to conceal altogether the anxiety which
was wringing my heart, and as in such circumstances
imagination is apt to be active, I fancied, in
looking at my dear ones, who were sad and silent
because of my own unexplained depression, that
they had heard of the Decree and were doing their
best, through pure pity, to keep me in ignorance
of it!
"When the next day dawned — the thirty-first of
August, for ever memorable as the most unfortunate
of my whole life — my father sent for me very
early to come to his apartment. I hastened
thither and found the good old man, his face
profoundly sad, his voice trembling and half in-
audible as he told me that what I had feared
was true. * Son,' he said, ' in order to spare
you a troubled night I would not impart to you,
last evening, the distressing news which you can,
72 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
alas ! too easily divine, and which was brought for
you yesterday afternoon in these papers.*
** So speaking, he handed me a letter. My hand
shook as I took it. It contained the brevets by
which my sons Xavier and Philip, under the
imperial decree, were named as pupils at the
Prytan^e de la Fl^che, a military school about two
days* journey from Paris. The middle of September
was the time set for their departure. A note from
the deputy who was acting during the Prefect's
absence was enclosed with the brevets, and in it the
official congratulated me — ah, what an insult ! — on
the honour conferred upon me by the Emperor.
" And now I was under the hard necessity of
acquainting the mother with the destiny of her
children. I went to her, all my grief depicted in
my countenance. My excellent wife had no pre-
vision of its cause, and reproached me gently with
the melancholy of my bearing. ... I replied that
it was not unfounded. In an instant she under-
stood, and asked, * Is it about the children ? *
" I showed her the brevets. She began to read
them, but half-way through she burst into a storm
of weeping.
"At that moment, it being the hour when they
always came to see their mother, the boys and their
tutor entered the room. At sight of them she
cried, * Oh, my sons, they want you in Paris,' The
A DOMESTIC SCENE 73
little fellows rushed into her arms, sobbing pitifully.
The good tutor, utterly overcome, added his own
no less passionate tears and lamentations. I prayed
for courage, and it was granted me ; I was in
extremest need of consolation myself, but I had to
impart consolation, not receive it. I caught hold
of my good little Constantine — whose tears, like
those of the others, were raining on his beloved
mother's face — and told him that he was not in-
cluded in the barbarous order.
" At that announcement the innocent little soul
gave a great gasp of relief, as if a burden were lifted
from his heart ; his face brightened, his tears ceased
— but only for a moment. Then he was weeping
again with his brothers and his mother over their
coming separation. I made an effort to awake in
their Christian hearts the warmest trust in the
mercy of God and the protection of the Blessed
Virgin, and instantly they all began to pray, brokenly
and with sobs, yet with entire earnestness. The
devoted mother solemnly offered to God all that
she had suffered to bring her children into the
world, beseeching Him to recall them to Himself
in that very hour and leave her bereft rather than
permit them to be exposed to the perils of a corrupt
education. The boys endorsed the sacrifice of their
lives, and I, in the silence of my heart, confirmed it.
" But fresh weeping followed, and I went in search
of aid to stem this flood of grief — went to fetch my
own dearest mother, upon whose heart I had never
74 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
called in vain. I found with her my cousin Spada,
and our friend Giustiniani. I called upon her and
upon them for help. . . . My mother, as if she had
had wings to her feet, flew to my apartment, and
reached it while I, worn out, was following, sup-
ported in the arms of those two heavenly-minded
friends who sought every means to comfort me.
" On re-entering my wife's room I saw that my
mother was holding her to her heart and inspiring
her with the faith and resignation in which her own
was so rich . . . and so these two, grieving, yet
submitting to the will of God, laid their sorrow
before Him.
CHAPTER III
The Memoirs continue :
** Prince Tommaso Corsini happened to be in
Rome at that time, employed on a mission for the
Emperor. Himself a Roman, and the father of a
family, he could not view with indifference this
barbarous measure, involving such a number of the
children of his fellow-citizens, and it was rumoured
that he had made remonstrances against it in Paris.
Some of the mothers, relying on the credit which
the Prince enjoyed at the Imperial Court, hastened
to visit him to implore his help. My wife, un-
willing to miss any possible chances of help, decided
to do the same. We went together to see the Prince.
He told us that it was hopeless to look for entire
exemption from the Decree, but that a modification
of it might easily be obtained. He advised us to
petition that one of our sons should be taken as a
page and the other one be allowed to remain at
home !
" This suggestion filled us with horror. We were
to voluntarily sacrifice one of our boys ! Never
could we have made such a choice, for both were
equally dear to us. We explained to the Prince
75
76 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
that we could not accept his plan, and we proposed,
with his approval, to send a petition direct to the
Emperor, asking that both children might be exempt,
or, if that could not be, that at least their departure
might be delayed until the following spring.
Corsini very kindly promised to see that the petition
should reach its destination, and, as soon as it was
written, I took it to him myself."
Here ensues the text of the letter to the Emperor.
It furnishes such a searching light on the down-
trodden attitude of even the proudest Romans under
Napoleon's rule, that it is worth giving entire :
" Sire,
" The honour which Your Majesty has
deigned to confer on Xavier and Philip, the sons
of the undersigned, by naming them as pupils at
the Prytanee de la Fleche, lays upon their parents
the duty of expressing to Your Majesty their most
respectful gratitude, but paternal affection, of which
Your Majesty knows so well the strength, as well
as the peculiar circumstances of the case, oblige
them to lay before the Throne the following reasons
for granting the exemption which is hereby humbly
implored.
*' The delicate constitutions of the children would
certainly suffer from the novel system of life. The
hopes founded on the eldest son by his parents, not
only in the study of belles-lettres, in which he is
well advanced, in regard to his assistance in family
PETITION TO NAPOLEON 77
affairs, but also in view of a suitable marriage which
may be arranged for him from one day to another,
would all be rendered vain. The health of the
children's mother has been very delicate for years
past, and, being unable to undertake a long journey,
she would suffer a great shock in the separation.
" Should Your Majesty not see fit to give ear
to these humble remonstrances, then the under-
signed, submitting to Your orders, still find courage
to implore, at least, permission to delay the children's
journey to the Mihtary School until the coming
spring. Their father, desiring to escort them, and
being obliged to put the affairs of his house in
order, could not undertake the journey before the
end of October. At that date the season is too
severe to permit of risking the health of two
delicate boys by a long journey. For this reason
their parents ask Your Majesty for the postpone-
ment which they confidently hope to obtain from
Your clemency. ..."
The recollection of our own early carriage jour-
neys across the yet untunnelled Alps (one, I
remember, precisely in the month of October,
occupied three days of violent snow-storm !) makes
the last excuse seem a very reasonable one ; but,
as the Marchesa Patrizi remarks, one experiences
something like amazement on finding the " possi-
bility of soon arranging a suitable marriage '* for
a boy of twelve put forward as a serious argument
78 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
against removing him from home. For the dis-
tracted parents it must be pleaded that the threatened
exile would consume all the best years of their
sons' youth, and thus mar all plans for their
future, and the case was sufficiently desperate to
justify any argument that could be brought to
bear upon it.
Z^ooking at it all now, a hundred years later, one
wonders that Giovanni and Cunegonda Patrizi should
have hoped for a single moment that Napoleon would
hearken to their appeal. They were representatives
of the old stiff-necked aristocracy which disdained
to recognise his supremacy in anything but over-
whelming force, and they were closely connected
with the Bourbons, whom he was teaching the
world to forget. On September 17 a note from
the Director-General of Police was sent to the
Palazzo, asking that the Marchese Patrizi would
call at the Prefecture that morning. Without
saying anything to his son, Giovanni*s father obeyed
the summons, for in his journal Giovanni writes ;
"When I came to table that day I saw that my
mother was inwardly disturbed, and that my father's
expression was even sadder than usual. I did not
divine the cause, but this melancholy of the elders
rendered the meal silent and mournful. When it
was ended my father turned to me and told me that
a note had come which was intended for me, but
that, wishing to spare me the pain of an interview
with the Director of Police, he had taken upon
/
THE DIRECTOR OF POLICE 79
himself to go to the Prefecture in my stead. He
went on to relate how the Director had urged him
to send his grandchildren away at once, to which
he had replied that the matter was in the hands of
their father, who alone had the right to dispose
of them. The official had insisted that their grand-
father, as head of the family, was equally responsible,
and represented that, as our house was by no
means in the good graces of the Government, it
would be only prudent to refrain from any exhibi-
tion of repugnance to obeying the imperial orders,
lest such sentiments should bring serious trouble
upon us.
" To this my father replied that he could not
understand what the Government found to com-
plain of in our conduct, since we kept ourselves
entirely apart from public affairs and lived like
quiet, respectable citizens in the retirement of our
own home. The Director condescended to say that
our respectabiHty at least left nothing to complain
of (what benignity !) But he then went on to insist
so strongly on the necessity of submission that my
good father, unable to resist such pressure, and
perhaps alarmed by the other's threats, was reduced
to asking a postponement only till the end of
September, to which the Director replied gaily,
* A la bonne heure ! ' and granted the enormous
favour of thirteen days* grace ! "
The young Marchese was by no means pleased
with this new turn of affairs, which bore the
8o THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
appearance of his implied consent to parting with
his children ; he at once set every machinery to
hand in motion to obtain at least sufficient delay
for him to receive an answer to the petition he had
sent to the Emperor in Paris. Through a French-
man named Gerard, who was high in favour with
General de Miollis, and who had already rendered
friendly service to the Patrizis, the Marchese
Giovanni obtained a kind of unofficial permission
to absent himself on his estates (where his presence
was urgently needed at this season of the year)
and was further told by the friendly Gerard not
to disturb himself if further effiarts were made
to hasten the departure of his children, but at
once to notify Gerard himself of anything of
the kind.
Thus a couple of weeks passed quietly, and then
with the return of Count Tournon to Rome, came
another summons to the Prefecture. It was October
2, and the anxious father went thither, recom-
mending his children's cause to the Blessed Angel
Guardians, whose Feast it was. This was the begin-
ning of the real battle : a long and bitter one for
Patrizi, in which his personal liberty, family
ties, home, and revenues were destined to be
sacrificed for years, and, as many would have said,
in vain.
Count Tournon received his visitor with the
greatest urbanity, but begged him to name a day for
the children's departure, since he was himself being
A BATTLE OF WILLS 8i
pressed by General de Miollis to furnish him with
the precise date on which they would be sent away
from Rome.
'* I replied," the Marchese writes, ** that I was
still waiting for the answer to the petition I had sent
to the Emperor. I also represented that, as I had
received the orders quite twenty days later than
many others who had not yet sent their sons to
France, it appeared just that mine should not be
forced to precede them. Also that I was absolutely
obliged to be away from Rome and on my father's
estates for business matters all through the month of
October, by which epoch I could not expose my boys
to the cold of a journey across the Alps ; all which
considerations made it impossible for me to take
them to France before the spring.
" The Prefect showed great alarm at this proposi-
tion, and assured me it was useless to hope for any
result from my petition. He said that I could
easily find a reliable escort for my children if I could
not accompany them myself ; but that, after all, the
winter would not be so far advanced as to render a
journey impossible. He told me he thought I
might obtain permission to delay it till the end of
November, or even of December — but till the
spring } No, that was out of the question !
'* He then entreated me to name an early date for
the fulfilment of the order, holding out hopes that
promptness in this might gain entire exemption for
one child at least. But, as I was not dazzled by the
6
82 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
prospects he held out, I repeated that I had already
named the earliest date possible for the journey,
adding that . . . nothing would induce me to de-
prive myself of my natural right to direct the
education of my children."
To this the Prefect replied that the measure was
intended as a correction to the ultra-clerical education
given to boys in Rome ; whereupon the Marchese
retorted that that education was adapted to their in-
dividual needs ; that those who wished to embrace
the ecclesiastical life were assisted to do so, and
those whose careers were to lie in the world en-
joyed every facility for following the necessary
studies.
But this assertion the Prefect combated hotly,
insisting that there was ** too much Church " in the
whole programme, and that, although that might be
advantageous for the next life, it was of very little
use in this. Then, apparently wishing to soften the
impression he had made, he went on to say that it
was no order, but an invitation which the Emperor
had sent, and that, if some parents chose to decline
it, they need not fear that the gendarmes would be
sent to their houses to enforce it — this was not a
conscription !
The Marchese, now thoroughly angry, said that,
if it was merely an invitation, he was free to accept
or refuse as seemed good to him ; but the diplomatic
Prefect reminded him that royal invitations differed
greatly from private ones, and that to refuse this
A ROYAL "INVITATION" 83
would certainly involve the family in further mis-
fortune. Having already shown itself adverse to
the new order of things, it was not looked upon with
favour.
The Marchese replied : " No misfortune that
could happen to a father could be worse than that of
losing his children."
" And how can you say you are losing them,"
exclaimed the Prefect, ** in sending them where the
Emperor wishes .? "
** I consider them lost when I cannot bring them
up according to my principles," was the answer.
The Prefect protested that Patrizi must be
regarding France as another Turkey, and en-
larged on the flourishing condition of religion
there, more flourishing, he declared, than it was
in Rome !
*' I am willing to believe it — and am glad to learn
that it is so," replied the Marchese, very politely ;
" but permit me to say that I can perceive no
intention of benevolence in the act of the Emperor,
but, on the contrary, a very clear one of inflicting a
heavy punishment on our family."
" You are quite mistaken," Count Tournon
declared. ^' The children of nobles who have
given in their adhesion and are actually holding
employment under the Government have been sent
for as well as yours." And with much kindness
he begged Patrizi to regard him now as a friend
and not as an official, since he was really trying
84 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
to persuade him to give in solely for his own
good.
But the other was not to be shaken. With calm
obstinacy he repeated his assertions that he could
fix no earlier date than the following spring for
carrying out the mandate, and the Prefoct, between
the desire to help his friends and the necessity of
obeying orders, accused the Patrizis of making open
war on the new Government and the Emperor ; on
being told that people who lived apart from public
affairs in the retirement of their own homes could
scarcely be accused of " making war," the Prefect
made the startling assertion that war was of two
kinds, positive and negative, and, after describing
the positive sort, declared that the conduct of the
Patrizis in refusing every offer of public employ-
ment fully justified the accusation of making war in
the negative fashion !
The Marchese replying that he and his father
had followed what they considered their duty, his
opponent pointed out that such ideas were vastly
displeasing to the authorities ; that history was full
of the disasters people had brought upon them-
selves by similar conduct ; and he attempted once
more to dazzle the Marchese by enumerating the
distinguished posts he might yet fill if he would be
reasonable.
Patrizi's curt reply that nothing would ever
induce him to alter his decision in that regard
evoked a sharp speech from Count Tournon to the
THE PREFECT IS PATIENT 85
effect that, the new order of things being firmly
and completely established, it was useless for the
Marchese to permit regrets for his old Sovereign
to prevent him from accepting engagement under
the Emperor. Patrizi was too proud to reply to
this almost taunt, but in his heart he cried : " If
ever I forget you. Holy Father, may my right
hand forget her cunning ! **
The Prefect understood that, in the face of such
obstinacy, there was no more to be done ; with a
return of his charming manner, he ajffected to wipe
the whole preceding conversation out of existence
by saying that the next morning he would send
to Palazzo Patrizi to know the day decided upon
for the children's journey to Paris, and dismissed
his visitor with smiling cordiality.
" And so," continues the Marchese in his
Memoirs, " I came away, grateful to the Prefect
for all his politeness, but more grateful to Heaven
for having given me strength to reply as I had
done, and also more determined than ever to combat
the Emperor's designs on those who were dearest
to me."
Punctually the next morning the Prefect's message
arrived, and the Marchese replied to it, as he tells
us, with joyful malice, in terms so ambiguous that
they left his intentions as to moving, even in the
following spring, shrouded in uncertainty.
On October 7 the patient Prefect issued another
invitation to an interview, which seems to have had
86 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
no effect, for on the loth ot the same month we
find the Marchese leaving Rome to attend to affairs
in two of his father's fiefs, Castel Giuliano and Sasso,
where his presence was peremptorily required, several
leases having expired, and new tenants being in-
stalled on the farms. Patrizi had feared that, during
his absence, heavy pressure might be brought to
bear on his father, and that the latter, less resolute
in nature than his son, might yield some point
which would compromise future action ; so he gave
instructions that all communications of whatever
kind should be taken straight to his wife, who
promised, for her part, to answer nothing until
his own return to the city. Nevertheless, he says
it was with a heavy heart that he went through all
the wearisome business of inventories, and so forth,
and that all his thoughts turned to what might
be taking place at home ; although he felt a great
unwillingness to go back, having a presentiment
that his reappearance would be the signal for some
new and unexpected stroke of ill-fortune.
He remained away until October 29. When
he reached home he found that his forebodings
were not without justification. An imperious
and very ill- written letter (some of the employes
of the Government were distinctly illiterate) had
arrived for him on October 23. It was signed
by a deputy of the Prefect, and mentioned
November 15 as the latest date allowed for
the departure of his sons.
PATRIZI DEFIES MIOLLIS 87
A few days later came another, from de MioUis
himself, addressed to Cunegonda, he having under-
stood that she was now in charge of the boys.
In amazingly bad French he told her that, if her
own health did not permit of her accompanying
her sons to France, she had better at once find
some responsible person to take them, adding that
promptness in the matter might have some
favourable influence on the position of " M.
Patrizi/'
It was a veiled threat, but Patrizi was there to
answer for himself The proud Roman's blood
was up ; weary of attempting to pacify his per-
secutors by speaking of a possible departure in
the spring, he haughtily refused to have his
children taken away from himself and their mother,
adding sarcastically that, since he was told to regard
the Emperor's order as a " favour," he could not
imagine that the favour was to be forced upon
him against his will. He wound up by saying
once more that nothing should shake his deter-
mination to superintend the education of his sons
himself.
This called forth an intimation from the
Director of the Police, on November 10, to the
effect that, unless the young Patrizis had left
Rome by the 25th, their father would be
** obliged " to accompany them to Paris and remain
there under surveillance himself. The Marchese
wrote a reply which, by this time, both he and
88 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
the authorities must have known by heart.
Repeating all the reasons already adduced for
his decision, he absolutely refused to give up his
children, and added that, as nothing could shake
his resolution, he awaited with resignation such
measures as the authorities might see fit to take
in regard to himself
CHAPTER IV
"On the morning of the twenty-fourth of
November," Giovanni writes, " I had been to
the Church of the Holy Name of Mary to assist
at the Office of the day. When this was over
I was coming out of the Oratory by way of the
sacristy when I met one of my servants, and saw
by his face that he was no bearer of good news.
He handed me a note which proved to be a
police order to leave Rome with my sons the
next day. The charming intimation closed with
threats of very stern measures should I persist in
my resistance, and I was informed that the
necessary passports were being forwarded to me.
My servant told me that these had been brought
by Signor Pelucchi, a Commissary of Police, who
was now waiting for me in my house.
" I remained to hear Mass, God knows in what
agitation of mind, and then hurried home, ponder-
ing by the way on what action 1 was to take,
upon what answers I should give. I felt that now
the question of resistance or submission would turn
on the strength or weakness of my wife. My
own heart would have inclined to resistance, but
I realised that prudence might counsel differently.
89
90 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
" On reaching home I went to my wife's room,
and my first words were : * Well, what ought I
to do ? * Without hesitation she replied that we
must resist to the very last, and her courage re-
kindled my own. Invoking the aid of the Blessed
Virgin, I hastened to where the Commissary was
waiting for me on the floor above. He had the
passports in his hands. I told him that I had
repeatedly explained to the authorities my firm in-
tention of remaining where I was, and that, in
consequence, the passports were useless to me, and
I would not receive them. Much surprised, Signor
Pelucchi exclaimed, * You will not accept them ? '
* No,' I said. He then represented that he ought
to make a proch verbal of my refusal, and I asked
if a personal note from me to the Director of Police
would answer the purpose. On his affirmation I
returned to my wife's room to write it, and she
came to meet me, asking anxiously about the result
of the colloquy upstairs. Her eyes bore traces of
the tears she had been shedding at the foot of the
crucifix while praying that I might be strengthened
in this struggle. When I related what had occurred
she was filled with consternation. I wrote the note
and took it to the Commissary, who, on receiving
it, exhorted me in whispers to give way in order
to avoid the distress which my obstinacy would draw
down upon me. ... At last he withdrew.
" After these events I expected to be arrested and
THE GATHERING STORM 91
carried away with my children that same night, which
was anything but a tranquil one, although by a
special grace of Heaven I could anticipate the coming
blow with imperturbability. On the morning of
the twenty-fifth I arose, and, nothing new having
happened, went out very early to church in order
that those who, as I foresaw, might enter my room
and force me to leave at any moment should not
have to send out into the city to seek me, as had
happened the day before. Hours passed . . . to-
wards midday I went out again, sure that, on return-
ing to the house, I would find it full of armed men.
But I was quite mistaken. All was quiet. We sat
down to table, and I confess that I dined with a
very good appetite.
" The meal was scarcely over when a servant,
evidently much frightened, informed me that a
French officer was in the ante-room asking to speak
with me. Every one was alarmed except myself.
Again praying to the Blessed Virgin, I went out
to see what was wanted of me, and found the captain
of the gendarmes, De Filippi, who, with the greatest
courtesy and, as he explained, to his own profound
regret, said that the Director had ordered him to
tell me that, if I insisted any further in refusing to
leave Rome, forcible measures would be applied to
me in person. I replied that I could not reconsider
my decision, and was prepared for everything.
" * But I have terrible orders,' De Filippi said.
92 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
** * I am in their hands,' I replied ; * they can
shoot or guillotine me, but they cannot make me
change my mind.'
" * You and your sons will be deported this very
night,' said he.
" ' I really trust that I shall be granted a few
hours in which to make my arrangements,' I
protested.
" De Filippi continued, with all kindness, to insist
on his point, and then, feeling that he had better
understand me once for all, I spoke in a prouder
tone and told him that I should not recede from
my decision even in the face of death ; that Almighty
God, as well as Nature, had given me the undeniable
right to direct the education of my children ; that
I would show there were still Romans in Rome,
and would demonstrate to the whole of Italy that
the pretended honour conferred by the Government
was in reality a monstrous infliction. I confess that
it would have been perhaps better not to say all
this, as it was quite useless ; but in the heat of
passion it is not possible to measure every word
one speaks.
" Then the honest soldier relinquished his attempt
in despair, and I thanked him most sincerely for the
gentleness and consideration with which he had
carried out his most unpleasant commission.
** I cannot describe how quiet, almost happy, I
felt after this i terview. I went into the next room
where my parents, my wife, and some faithful friends
PATRIZI IS ARRESTED 93
were anxiously awaiting its result ; and I turned all
my efforts towards calming and encouraging them.
I made sure that my arrest and deportation would
take place that night ; but nothing came to disturb
us, and when the twenty-sixth of November dawned
1 was still safe in my own house.
" The day passed without incident, and when the
evening came I bade good-night to my wife, who
was preparing to retire, and told her to sleep peace-
fully, since I was sure nothing untoward would
happen that night. The event, however, unfortun-
ately, did not justify my prophecy.
'* Having parted from my wife, I repaired to my
mother's apartment, where supper was about to be
served. To this I sat down with my parents, my
sister, the Rev. Stefano Monticelli, and our friend,
Parisani. The Chevalier Don Lorenzo Giustiniani
and Signor Carlo Collicola were also with us. The
meal had scarcely begun when a servant informed
me that a French official wished to speak with me.
1 rose from the table, but before I could reach the
door I saw, standing in the doorway, a ' Marechal
de Logis ' of gendarmes, who said that the Governor
wished to see the Marchese Patrizi. At these words
my beloved father, full of eagerness to suffer in my
stead, pretended to think the summons was for
him, as no Christian name had been mentioned, and
rose from the table, intending to answer it in person.
1 had instantly understood its meaning, and fore-
94 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
stalled him by preparing to follow the officer at
once. He, however, was amiable enough to let me
finish my supper first, and meanwhile I thought of
ordering my carriage, so as not to keep the Governor
waiting. But the gendarme said that was unneces-
sary, the Governor's carriage having been sent to
fetch me. A profound gloom had fallen on the
whole party. I kissed the hands of my dear parents,
whom I hoped to see again within an hour, took
leave of my sister and our friends, and, accompanied
by my new guardian, started out to meet my
destiny."
It was two years before Giovanni Patrizi beheld
those loved faces again !
" A little way down the stairs," he relates, ** I
found another gendarme posted as sentry, and two
or three more below, when I reached the front door.
Emerging from the house with this novel variety of
escort, I was surprised to see that the promised
carriage was not there. The Marshal explained that
it was waiting a little way off, and then led me to
the right, a movement which led me to suspect that
it was not the Governor's palace, but the Castel
Sant' Angelo, that was my destination. In this I
was wrong, for a vehicle which had been waiting
at a little distance drew up to the steps of San
Luigi dei Francesi. It proved to be a * carretella '
(a kind of buggy) to which three horses were
harnessed, a clear indication of a long journey in
prospect. I was not left any longer in doubt when
DEPARTURE FROM ROME 95
my guardian told the driver to take the road to
Civita Vecchia.
*'I entreated the gendarme to send up word to
my family that they must not expect me back that
night. They would hear my real fate soon enough
next day !
" I flattered myself that the gendarme had com-
plied with my request, for he muttered something to
one of his comrades. Of his words I caught but one
distinctly, ' children.' At once I was filled with fear
that, after capturing me, the next step would be to
take possession of those innocent ones.''
Here follows a characteristically Italian remark to
the effect that those who read the journal will
imagine that at this point the writer " shed floods of
tears, and, in a voice broken with sobs and sighs,
called on the beloved names of country, parents, wife
and sons, from whom I was being barbarously torn
away ! Such would indeed have been the case had
not Heaven come to my assistance, causing me to
become like an immovable rock under the fierce
blows of persecution. I can honestly say that I did
not lose my tranquilHty. On the contrary, in that
terrible moment a supreme peace and serenity
reigned in my heart, so that when we had gone a
little way I began to joke with my keeper about the
stratagem he had employed to seize me. But one
cloud darkened my sky : my painful anxiety about
the fate of my children. My imagination fixed on
the word I thought I had heard, depicted the terrible
96 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
tragedy which might at that very hour be taking
place in my house ; I heard in fancy the cries and
laments of my wife, of my sons, of my father and
mother in the stress of that cruel moment. I
imagined these tender little beings confided for the
journey to the care of a stranger, perhaps of a rough
soldier. At one moment I thought they might be
following me on the road to Civita Vecchia, at
another that they were perhaps even now being
hurried along the Via Flaminia, so as to meet me
and my gaoler at Viterbo or some other point on the
road to France. . . ."
Giovanni Patrizi's message was never delivered to
his family. The little circle, anxious to know the
result of the interview with General de Miollis,
waited in vain for his return. At last it was decided
to send to the Governor's residence to inquire for
him, and the good Signor Collicola offered to act as
messenger. He hastened to the Palazzo Doria only
to be told that the Governor was at the theatre. At
the theatre he learnt that the Governor had left, and
so returned to Palazzo Doria. After trying to track
him for some time, he was curtly informed that the
Marchese Patrizi was " travelling." At once grasping
the meaning of this information, he resolved to keep
it to himself, for that night at least, and on his return
to Palazzo Patrizi his depressed and mysterious
ON THE HIGH ROAD 97
demeanour led the family to suppose that Giovanni
had been taken to Sant' Angelo, a mistake which
Collicola did not correct. That was bad enough, but
the truth — that Giovanni was being spirited away to
some unknown prison — was so much worse that his
friend had not the heart to disclose it.
By some means, however, it became known in the
house next morning, first to his parents, and then,
through her mother-in-law, to Cunegonda. The
blow was as terrible as it was unexpected, and it
required all their fortitude to meet it in a manner
worthy of their faith and race. The poor little boys,
realising that they were the cause of the trouble,
were terribly afflicted, but tried in their childish way
to follow the example of their elders' patience and
resignation.
It was a bitterly cold night. The light buggy
with its three horses rattled and bumped through
the darkness for some five or six hours with-
out a halt, and the unfortunate prisoner, called
from his supper to pay an evening visit, and quite
unprovided with extra wraps, suffered horribly from
the cold before the first halt was called at Monterone
towards three o'clock in the morning. The place
was but a tiny hamlet serving as a posting-station
about half-way between Rome and Civita Vecchia.
" Here," says the Marchese, " I imagined that we
7
98 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
should change horses, but it turned out that the
halt was intended merely to rest those we had. I
alighted from the carriage, and we entered a room
contiguous to the stable ; here a roaring fire was
burning, and nine or ten peasants were sleeping on
the floor around it, their feet all turned to the
flame. Others, who probably considered themselves
too distinguished for such a position, were sleeping
in bunks against the wall. The fire was most con-
soling, for I was chilled to the bone. Still imagining
we should get fresh horses, I was somewhat surprised
at the long halt we were making, and I began to
fancy that we were waiting to permit my sons and
their captors to rejoin us here. The thought,
though it had caused me painful anxiety hitherto,
now brought comfort ; it would have been most
sweet to have those dear little companions on my
journey, however alarming the goal ! Already I
pictured their arrival at this dark den ; their tears
and their fears, and the joy with which I would
take them into my arms to comfort and sustain
them with all the authority of a father ! "
Giovanni Patrizi, although the most sincere and
warm-hearted of men, had a distinct sense of dra-
matic fitness, and in every circumstance he shows
himself naively anxious to extract all the aroma
possible from every situation. It is a characteristic
of the Latin races which has drawn forth much
adverse comment from Northerners, who are loud
in asserting that it denotes shallowness of feeling.
^*^*^
AARCHESE GIOVANNI NARO PATRIZI.
In the Robes of the Senator of Rome.
THE LATIN TEMPERAMENT 99
Nothing could be more unjust. The Latins live in
the fullest light of family publicity, comparing their
thoughts and sentiments on every subject that
comes up with a frankness that, among us, would
result in angry discussion, but that serves their
more expansive temperament in good stead. They
do feel, deeply, and consider it no reproach to have
it known. They enjoy drama, it is true ; they
seem to be born for it ; but they have no self-
consciousness, and the Englishman's nervous terror
of " looking like a fool " if he betrays the slightest
emotion is incomprehensible to them. En passant I
must remark that the everlasting repression of all
demonstration of feeling with us has resulted, in
many circles, in the killing of feeling altogether !
We are nothing like so loving or so faithful to
family and friends as are the Latins. Nowhere
in these times is the tie between parents and
children, brothers and sisters, so strong, so tender,
so enduring as among the people of southern
Europe.
This little digression is meant to explain why
Giovanni Patrizi so carefully notes down his own
words and actions on all important occasions, as if
to assure himself, when looking back on them, that
his deportment throughout has been unassailable.
Even while waiting in the miserable posting-house
at Monterone, torn with anxiety about his boys,
he was careful to imake the right impression, and
tell us that he began to walk about the waiting-
100 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
room with brisk, free steps, humming softly to
himself, in order that all might understand that
prisoners of his stamp knew as little of cowardly
discouragement as they knew of guilt.
After a long delay, during which the Marchese
seems to have given up his hopes and fears of
being rejoined by his sons, the journey was resumed,
the gendarme having thoughtfully filled all the
bottom of the carriage with hay to keep their
feet a little warmer than they had been on the
way down. The moon had set ; the night, though
still, was intensely dark ; and the road onwards
from Monterone was notoriously infested with
brigands and malefactors of all kinds. Only two
mounted guards had accompanied the carriage so
far, and one of them was now ordered to ride on
quickly and notify the authorities at Civita Vecchia
of the approach of the prisoner. His companion,
on leaving Monterone, tied his horse to the back
of the carriage and climbed up beside the driver,
his loaded carbine ready for use. The Marchese
frankly acknowledges that the idea of finding him-
self the central figure under a rain of bullets did
not add to the charm of the journey, and he decided,
if a skirmish should take place, to declare himself
a prisoner, an announcement which he evidently
thought should secure for him the sympathies of
the attacking party.
He and his guards were not molested, however,
and in the grey of the dawn Civita Vecchia loomed
AT CIVITA VECCHIA loi
up in the distance. By eight o'clock on that cold
November 27 Napoleon's supremacy had, for the
time, no more to fear from Giovanni Naro Patrizi,
he being under lock and key in the fort. The
dangerous rebel was longing for an hour of rest
and privacy after the fatigues and emotions of the
night. He had to walk up and down on the drill-
ground for some time before obtaining it, but then,
to his great satisfaction, he found that he was to
have the turnkey's comfortable room, all the others
being crowded already. In order to reach it he
had passed another of which the door stood open,
and there he recognised several Roman friends who
had vanished more or less recently from their
accustomed haunts in town. Rejoiced at his luck,
he attempted to leave his room to greet them,
but the Concierge stopped him, saying that orders
had been issued forbidding him to have communi-
cation with other prisoners. This was a great
disappointment, but the Marchese took it philoso-
phically, and only asked permission to write to his
family and also to send a note to one Bucci, the
steward of the palace which his mother owned in
Civita Vecchia.
So a long letter was despatched to Rome, and
in it, to his infinite credit, Patrizi gave quite a
roseate account of his experiences, dilated on
the comfort of his quarters — in fact, said every-
thing possible to cheer and comfort the anxious
ones at home, winding up, quaintly enough, by
102 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
asking for ** some linen to provide for the cleanli-
ness of the body, and some books of devotion
to comfort the spirit." The letter was despatched
by the returning gendarme, and a note was con-
veyed to Bucci instructing him to supply the
prisoner with food and other necessaries, including
a bed.
" I was quite resigned to the decrees of Heaven,"
Giovanni writes, " and was congratulating myself
on being so well lodged, close to the family of
the Concierge, who was only anxious to serve me
in every way, when the good man entered my
room, with downcast countenance and evident
reluctance, to inform me that another apartment,
very different from this one, had been assigned
to me. This amazed me a good deal. The Con-
cierge said the change would be made that after-
noon.
** At the appointed hour I was conducted thither
. . . and found it to be a tiny cell, one of a series
looking out on a covered loggia. The window
was about twenty inches broad and thirty high,
filled with a frame of glazed cotton — which, how-
ever, admitted a certain amount of light. A broken
fireplace, bare walls, smeared with smoke and oil,
and ornamented with scrawls of charcoal and im-
pressions of filthy fingers — and, hanging from the
blackened ceiling, cobwebs which I calculated must
date from the days of Numa and Ancus Martius !
In this lurid den I found a beautifully arranged
COMFORTS IN A CELL 103
bed, which the excellent Bucci had brought from
the Palazzo Montoro, and by the end of the
second day the tiny room was supplied with every
comfort it could contain, from the same source.
It suggested the idea of a rough peasant dressed in
the elegant garments of a Parisian dandy ! "
CHAPTER V
The Marchese*s Journal continues :
** When the Concierge had transferred me to my
new room he locked me in, and a sentinel was
stationed outside the door, with orders to keep a
strict watch night and day so that no one should
approach to speak to me. In looking around on
my new dwelling-place and comparing my so-called
crime with the punishment it had drawn down upon
me, I could not refrain from amused laughter !
"In order not to forget that I was a Christian I
asked for the loan of some book of devotion pending
the arrival of such provision from Rome. In answer
to my request, the golden book of St. Ignatius*
Spiritual Exercises was put into my hands, and at
once I conceived the idea of turning my imprison-
ment to advantage by making a spiritual Retreat. I
resolved to begin the next day, and to that end I
mapped out a careful schedule for the regulation of
my time. Would that I had indeed profited by this
grace of Heaven for the good of my soul !
" On the twenty-eighth of November, while I
was occupied in these spiritual exercises, I heard the
grating of the prison gates and was honoured by a visit
104
NEWS FROM HOME 105
from the Mayor of Civita Vecchia, Signor Capotti,
who was accompanied by the Commissary of Police
and by Signor Guglielmi, to whom we had rented
the Montoro Palace in the town. The courteous
Mayor did everything possible to show his considera-
tion, and begged me to tell him if there were any-
thing that I desired. The only request I proffered
was that I might be put into another room. The
visit, though most polite, was an extremely brief one,
probably because the Mayor, a man of elegance and
refinement, could not bring himself to sit down in such
a room — and, in that, I could sympathise with him !
"Although, by the favour of Heaven, I still
enjoyed my accustomed interior tranquillity during
my imprisonment, the thought of my children was
never absent from my mind, and my uncertainty as
to their immediate destiny kept me in much sus-
pense. Hence it is impossible to express my relief
when, on November the twenty-eighth, I received,
together with a valise full of necessaries, a letter
from my wife, in which she informed me that, so
far, nothing new had transpired in regard to the
beloved objects of my solicitude. My first act was
to render profound thanks to the Almighty for this
precious favour, and then I offered up my own life
to perpetual imprisonment if by such a sacrifice I
could save those innocent young souls from the
education we so much dreaded for them.
" During the first two days of my incarceration,
writing materials were doled out to me for a few
io6 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
moments at a time, as the orders were that I was not
to be allowed to write letters at all. Permission was
accorded, however, for a few letters to my own
family, and an occasional note to our good Bucci at
the Palazzo Montoro ; but all these communications
I had to leave open, to be read by the authorities.
When the letter or the note was written, the pen
and ink were instantly removed 1 After three days
I managed to retain firm possession of them, but the
rigours of the censorship continued unabated. The
thing which I found most hard to bear in my new
mode of life was the complete deprivation of the
comforts of religion. On December the ist, the
First Sunday of Advent, I heard repeated salvoes of
artillery, which announced the anniversary of the
Emperor's coronation ; but I could not hear Mass
either on that day or any other during my detention
at Civita Vecchia, as the Holy Sacrifice had been
prohibited in the fortress.
" Another trouble, and not a light one, was caused
from the situation of my room. It was surrounded
by others filled with a goodly number of refractory
conscripts awaiting in Civita Vecchia their departure
to Sicily. It was not wronging these young fellows
to say that their training left much to be desired ;
from the break of day till late in the evening they
filled all that part of the building with shouting,
singing, and quarrelling, and the heavy tramping
of their feet never ceased outside my door.
'* On December the 2nd Signor Giulio Guglielmi,
COMPENSATIONS 107
our tenant, who had already paid me several
visits, brought mc the welcome news that he had
obtained permission from the commander of the
fort for my transfer to another room. So I returned
to the one I had first occupied, and found great
pleasure in looking out once more at earth and sky
after having had barely a glimpse of the latter for
four days. Guglielmi promised also to procure
permission for me to take a little exercise, a thing
which was absolutely necessary for my health.
" Although in my new quarters I was not so
closely guarded as before, still I was forbidden to
hold communication with any one except my jailers,
and the Concierge was made responsible for the
carrying out of the order."
And here we must transcribe the first letter of the
Marchesa Cunegonda to her husband ; it is written
on a tiny piece of paper, yellow now with age, and
bears the marks of having been folded into the
smallest possible space. It was the first of hundreds
that the loving wife was to write before she saw
Giovanni's face again, and it was more successful
in reaching its destination than the greater part
of those that followed it. From the family corre-
spondence it appears that Bucci, the Patrizi steward
at Civita Vecchia, managed to convey, though with
great difficulty, several missives to his master, with
such secrecy that they escaped the observation of
his lynx-eyed guardians, and great was the comfort
they brought to the lonely prisoner. This first
io8 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
one, folded to almost infinitesimal size, was prob-
ably concealed within a loaf of bread, all the food
for the Marchese being furnished from Palazzo
Montoro. It is pathetic in its almost incoherent
simplicity and tenderness.
'* What can I say to you, Giovanni, my dear ? "
writes Cunegonda on November 27. *' You know
me well enough to understand all that I want
to express. My greatest trouble is the thought that
you are suffering anxiety about the children and me ;
I entreat you, as a favour, to set your mind at rest.
The blow has fallen on you — God will give you
strength and will not permit us to be tempted above
our strength. I am in a frenzy to have news of
you, and I hope that you will be able to give it
yourself. Assure me that you are well, that you
are tranquil ; courage, my dear, courage ! God is
for us, our Mother" (Mamma nostra, the Blessed
Virgin) " is for us ; what have we to fear ? The
children weep, and that is natural ; but they are
well, and they understand how greatly they
are beholden to you ; do not think of me. God
will help me ; I am thinking only of you, and when
I can be assured that you have not lost your calm-
ness and courage I shall be satisfied ; remember that
all my happiness depends on you. Already Maria
Agnese * knows all, let that suffice you. Farewell,
♦ She appears to have been Giovanni's sister, a religious in
the Dominican convent at Magnanapoli, spoken of earlier as
"Maria Vincenza."
WORST FEARS REALISED 109
my dearest Giovanni, I glory in being the wife of
a Confessor of Christ ; this will tell you all that I
have in my heart."
This letter was followed by another written in
the same tone of calm fortitude, but the next after
that brought news which filled the Marchese with
grief and apprehension. It was written in duplicate,
one copy intended for the eyes of the censor of the
fortress, the other, long and confidential, reached
him secretly. His fears for his children were to
be confirmed at last ; the hope that his own
imprisonment might buy their safety was now
proved to be vain.
On December 2 his wife writes :
"My dear Giovanni,
" On Saturday afternoon the Commissary,
Pepe, came to me, and, in the name of the Minister-
General of Police, informed me that I must send
away our two boys on the 8th inst. I replied that
I was merely the guardian, not the master of my
sons, and that, in the absence of their father, I
could not dispose of them. This morning the
Commissary returned, bringing word from the
Director-General that it was quite true that I was
not the master of the children so long as my
husband was in Rome ; but that, he being away,
it was my duty to dispose of them, and that, if
I refused to do so, the ' Mairie ' would be responsible
for naming a person to accompany them. The
no THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
Commissary is to return to-morrow at midday for
my answer. Giovanni mine, I have sought counsel,
particularly with the two persons for whom you
have such a great esteem, S and L . They
were unanimous in their opinion that forcible
measures have been decided upon, and will be
put into operation ; that, by permitting the children
to go away with a stranger, we should be voluntarily
renouncing the right and the power which God has
given us over them, a thing that conscience forbids
us to do. So, to-morrow, I shall tell Pepe that
I cannot consent to confide the children to another
person ; but, also, that I do not wish to take a
journey without my husband, and that I request
that he should be brought back to Rome with
the same force with which he was taken to the
fortress ; and I also request that the Director-
General will see that my husband receives the letter
in which I have manifested to him my resolution.
I am exceedingly anxious that this (the private one)
should reach you before that other which you will
receive through the police, in order that you may
be fully informed of everything, and be tranquil
in mind, for these are wise counsels, given according
to God, and thus you will perhaps be able to
answer me freely and fully. Not so, however, in
regard to the letter you will receive through the
police ; on the contrary, I pray you to respond
to that in as few words as possible. Good-bye,
my Giovanni ; I have no time to write more. I hope
LETTERS FROM CUNEGONDA iii
to see you again, soon, and then we can talk with
more ease. What days ! God be blessed ! "
Here is the official letter intended for the eyes
of the Police :
"My dear Husband, Royi^, December z.
** Last Saturday the Signor Commissario
came to inform me that I was to arrange to send
the children to Paris ; I replied that I had no
authority save that of a guardian, and could decide
on nothing during your absence. Yesterday the
same Commissary returned to tell me, from the
Director-General, that I was to accompany them
myself ; otherwise the * Mairie ' would designate
some other person for that charge. True to our
maxim of never confiding our children to others,
I replied this morning that I was ready to go
with them, but that I wished the Director-General
would kindly put yesterday's message in writing,
so that I might send it to you. Also I asked
for your return, in order that you also might
accompany the children. In this moment I learn
that the Director-General refuses to put the
message in writing, as I had requested ; but says
that I am to tell you to write to him asking
that you may be brought back here in order to
accompany the boys. He promises that this
letter shall reach you. This much I communicate
in haste, and am, with all attachment,
" Your most affectionate wife,
"CuNEGONDA OF SaXONY PaTRIZI."
112 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
The Marchese received both his wife's letters,
the private one reaching him first, as she intended.
The news caused him great distress. ** This
unexpected blow," he says in his diary, *' struck
me to the heart, and my hand trembled as I
wrote, in few words, to my wife, that 1 was
ready to carry out her wise and Christian
counsels. Besides, the thought of having her
companionship on the journey mitigated my sorrow,
for until now she had hesitated to undertake it,
on account of her variable health. On that same
day the Commandant of the fort, M. Callo, a
Piedmontese, came into my room to give me
permission to enjoy, for two hours every day,
a promenade on the bastions of the fortress,
excluding the parade-ground, however ; forbidding
me to speak with any one, and adding that I
should always be under the vigilance of a sentinel.
At once I took advantage of the grace accorded
me, but the letter I had received in the morning
prevented my feeling the pleasure which I should
otherwise have had in this solace.
" On the 5th I received, through the Roman
police, the official letter of my wife, in which she
begged me to ask the Director-General that I might
be brought back to Rome in order to travel with
her and our children. I carried out her wishes in
a letter to the Director, written on the 6th.
" Towards dusk of that day I heard proclaimed
in the rooms next to mine the arrival of a number
z
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r
h-
iij
C
o
OLD FRIENDS GREETED 113
of new inmates, all men of the best society. They
were the ' Curiali ' of Rome " (here follows a long
list of names of lawyers who, having refused to
take the required oath of allegiance to the Emperor,
had been detained for several months in the Castle
of Sant' Angelo and were now brought to Civita
Vecchia, to be sent from there to the Island of
Corsica). " I felt the greatest desire to embrace
such of my friends as were among the new prisoners,
but the vigilance with which 1 was guarded gave
me no hope of doing so. Very soon I perceived
that supper was being prepared for them in the
next room, and, hearing them so near, I came close
to the door of my cell to have the consolation at
least of seeing through the cracks these true Christian
heroes " (our famous compromisers of to-day would
call them at the very least foolish intransigeants),
*' since I could not press them to my heart. The
first whom I saw enter was the excellent Belli, with
whom I was particularly acquainted. With him
were others, but not all the party, since the table
was too small to accommodate them all at a time.
The sight of them made me more than ever anxious
to greet them. The good Concierge must have
divined my wish, for soon afterwards he entered
my room, saying that he would allow me to go
into the other one to show myself to my colleagues.
" On the instant I left my retreat and threw
myself on the neck of my friend Belli and that
of the excellent Ceccacci. The vivacious Gasparri
8
114 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
was there also, with Benedetti and others. . . . After
the first greetings they told me that they had not
expected to find me still in Civita Vecchia, but
had hoped to meet me on the road returning to
Rome, a Commissary of Police having informed
them that my affair was all arranged, and that
probably that very day I should be able to return
home. This announcement gave me the greatest
pleasure. . . .
** When our short interview was over I returned
to my own room. I learnt later, to my horror, that
those twelve ornaments of the Roman Curia, on
account of the late hour of their arrival, had not
been able to procure beds from their acquaintances
in the town (who, however, furnished them the next
day), and had been obliged to sleep on straw in two
miserable ground-floor rooms from which they were
not transferred for some days. The morning after
their arrival, distressed at the thought of the horrible
night those incomparable men must have passed,
I should have wished to bring them all into my own
room had such a thing been possible. If not
altogether, I was at least consoled in part, for the
obliging Concierge allowed me to take in Belli and
Giorgi. In order to keep up the appearance of my
being in solitary confinement, my guests' beds had
to be returned to their own prison in the morning,
to be brought back to mine at night after the
fortress was closed. To tell the truth, after
the advent of these legal captives, my solitary con-
SOCIAL RELAXATION 115
finement was reduced to a mere farce, one or the
other being constantly in my apartment, although
always on the alert for fear of getting the poor
Concierge into trouble should some one of the
authorities pay us an unexpected visit. But when
once night had fallen, and, the fortress being closed,
there was no danger of any one's coming to disturb
our peace, then all or most of the councillors as-
sembled in my room ; one or two tables of * ombre '
or ' bezique ' were organised, and very pleasant
hours were passed.
" A few days later, the order for my solitary
confinement, which from the constant infractions
had become purely imaginary, was officially rescinded,
and I received permission to move about and speak
with whom I pleased. The only person who had
great difficulty in approaching me was my Bucci "
(the steward). '' The assiduous and charitable assist-
ance he always rendered to the prisoners, particularly
if they were ecclesiastics, caused the new Government
to suspect him of too strong an attachment for the
old one, a state of things which rendered access to
the fortress very difficult for him. During all my
stay in Civita Vecchia I only succeeded in seeing
him five or six times, and his wife, whom the Mayor
was kind enough to bring, once.
" Following the letter I had sent to the Director-
General of Police in Rome, I expected every day
to be recalled to the Seven Hills, and the Mayor,
who favoured me with many visits, always told me
ii6 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
that my return was close at hand — that he was expect-
ing the notification of the order with every courier who
arrived. On December the 8th this anticipation had
become so confident that not only did the Mayor
assure me that I should be set at liberty on that day,
without fail, not only did the Commissary of Police
announce the fact publicly, but my excellent Bucci
had made all his arrangements and prepared a bed
for me in his house. In any case I would not have
availed myself of his hospitality, having promised to
stay with Signor Giulio Guglielmi. He himself had
to leave for Monte Romano on the 8th on private
business, but he had charged his wife to have every-
thing in readiness for me, and had asked a friend of
his to conduct me to the house. But the 8th passed
by ; the 9th found me still in the fortress ; also the
loth and nth, and several days more, and I con-
tinued to carry on my quiet and cheerful existence
in the good company of my amiable fellow prisoners.
" Several days had passed without bringing me
any news from home, when, on the morning of
the 1 6th, just as I had sat down to write to my
wife, and had written but a word or two, there
entered my room the same man who had twice before
been sent to me from Rome. He handed me a letter,
but I perceived from his expression that it could
contain no good news. It was written in the name
of my wife, but the handwriting was that of my
friend Parisani. At the beginning were a few
words inscribed by the trembling hand of my father :
LEAVING CIVITA VECCHIA 117
* I embrace you and I bless you ! Your most loving
father ! ' The date was of December the 15 th, and
the contents informed me that our Maestro di Casa
(steward) had that morning been summoned by the
Director-General of Police, who ordered him to send
me that very evening a coach and five hundred
scudi in money ; the Director added that a gen-
darme would go with the carriage to escort me to
Lyons. The letter mentioned that the Director had
advised that I should take warm clothes with me, on
account of the cold at Lyons, and that this led my
family to suppose that I was to be detained in that
place.
" The letter had been sent on in haste in order
that I might not be taken by surprise on the arrival
of the gendarme. My good wife concluded it with
a few words in her own writing, as trembling and
convulsed as that of my father : ' Farewell, my
Giovannino. Your most loving wife, Gondina.*
Even our friend's writing betrayed his agitation.
I cannot deny that this blow struck me very
heavily. As soon as I had read the sad epistle I was
convinced that my ultimate destination was not
Lyons, but Fenestrelle or some other state prison.
My own hand shook as 1 wrote in reply a few
words which showed clearly enough my distress ;
the only request I made was that my old valet,
Bennini, might be sent to accompany me. Then I
hastened to find Giorgi, one of my room companions,
to tell him of the new turn in my affairs. He was
ii8 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
horrified, as were all his worthy colleagues. But
our good and merciful Father did not permit my
distress to be of long duration. He gave me grace
to raise my eyes to Him, to bow my head to His
adorable will, and very soon I became perfectly
tranquil once more.
" That afternoon, while I was walking with my
friends on the bastions, whence we could see the
road to Rome, I fancied that every coach I saw was
the one which was to convey me to my new destina-
tion ; but when the evening came, and the fort was
closed, I assured myself that there was nothing to
fear for that night, and so, with the usual quiet and
gaiety, I sat down to enjoy over a game of * ombre'
the amiable society of my dear fellow prisoners.
" Having passed the night a little less tranquilly
than usual, 1 rose in the morning to perform my
religious exercises, and suddenly became aware that
the Concierge (till then ignorant of the coming
changes) was speaking in the next room about my
immediate departure. From this I understood all,
and, in fact, a few moments later the Mayor ap-
peared, accompanied by the gendarme who was to
act as my escort. This man was a Brigadier named
Collia, and he had orders to go with me as far as
Turin, where the further dispositions in regard to
my destination would be made known.
" This confirmed me in my conviction that not
Lyons, but Fenestrelle, was the spot which the
clemency of the Emperor had selected for me.
LEAVING CIVITA VECCHIA 119
The Mayor counted out to me the five hundred
scudi (which my father repaid to the police in
Rome), and I received the order, from the same
source, to pay the above-mentioned gendarme
three hundred francs, a sum which, according
to military estimates of distance, would allow him
five francs (one scudo) a day for the journey
from Rome to Turin, and from Turin back to
Rome. The said sum 1 instantly counted out to
my new guardian. I was told that the journey
was to be made by post (that is to say, changing
horses at the ordinary posting-stations), and that
from Civita Vecchia I was to go that same day to
Viterbo, where we could strike the main road to
the north.
"As soon as the Mayor and the gendarme had
withdrawn another person entered the room —
Filippo Appolloni, my own maestro di casa^ who had
come from Rome with the gendarme in order to
see me once more. He brought me a letter from
my wife. When I asked him which of my servants
was to accompany me, he replied that it would be
the groom, Mariano. I was not much pleased with
the arrangement, having only small confidence in
the fellow, who, besides being very young, had
only been a few months in my service. But I had
to resign myself. I thought it as well, before
leaving, to write a letter intended for my parents,
my wife, my children, and my sisters, in which I
manifested all the emotions that a son, a husband,
120 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
a father, a brother could not but feel in such cir-
cumstances. Then the Brigadier, my guard, re-
appeared, informing me that all was ready for our
departure. I tenderly embraced all my beloved
comrades, who almost all had tears in their eyes.
Among them Belli, after having embraced me,
threw himself on the bed and wept openly. This
sight touched me deeply, but did not disturb the
inner peace of my heart, and I went calmly whither
God was calling me/'
CHAPTER VI
The curious rancour which Napoleon nourished
in regard to the Patrizi family showed itself at this
point in a step which excited the indignation of
the Emperor's own employes. The Marchese
Giovanni was a close prisoner ; his sons, with their
mother, were already on their way to France ; but
their enemy was not appeased by these forced sub-
missions. He ordered the sequestration of the
entire revenues of the Patrizi family. Count
Tournon, the Governor of Rome, was appalled at
this arbitrary and cruel decree, and at once wrote
confidentially to his friend, M. AngMes, the Director
of Police in Paris, to ask for its repeal. The
letter is dated January 23, 18 12.
" A month since," the Count writes, " he (General
de Miollis) instructed me to immediately sequestrate
the property of M. Jean Patrizi. To this I promptly
replied, informing him that, as M. Jean Patrizi's
father and mother are still living, it is unlikely that
the property has been divided, and I ask him for
further instructions. The answer was a renewed
order to put the seal on all M. Jean Patrizi's
121
122 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
property, and nothing was said in reply to my
request for explanations.
** I took out an order in conformity with the
General's letter and sent it on to the Director of
the Domains ; two days later he sent me a certificate
proving that all the Patrizi property belonged to
the father. This document I transmitted to M.
Miollis ; he sent for the Director of Domains and
for me, and in my presence ordered the Director
to sequestrate all property pertaining to the Patrizi
family. The Director demanded to have the order
in writing, but this M. Miollis obstinately refused
to give. At last, after a long scene, the Director
consented to place the seals, and this has been
done.
" So, while Madame Patrizi is on the way to
take her sons to La Fl^che, while her husband is
at Fenestrelle, the goods of the father are seques-
trated, although the order speaks only of Jean
Patrizi. I beseech you to give orders for removing
a sequestration so unjust and so little in accord
with the commands of the Minister. . . .
(Signea) *' Tournon."
In his Memoirs Count Tournon writes thus of
that critical moment :
*'The Marquis Patrizi refused to consent to
the departure of his children ; he was carried off,
himself, and shut up in Fenestrelle, so harsh had
the methods become. His poor wife, born Princess
TOURNON'S FRIENDLINESS 123
of Saxony, an angel of piety, is sadly accompanying
her children in order to preserve them from the
contagion of French impiety."
The reason of this incredible vexation — a reason
of which Tournon was probably ignorant — is to
be found in a marginal note on a report of
General de Miollis, in which he gave an account
of the Marchese Patrizi's resistance to the Decree
of July 9. This note, in the Emperor's own hand-
writing, says :
" Let this individual be arrested, sent to Fene-
strelle, and all his goods sequestrated.
" Napoleon."
In the state archives of Paris there exists the
following report to His Majesty, the Emperor
and King :
"Sire,
"The Prefect of the Department of the
Ombronne " (Umbria) " informs me that, in con-
sequence of a decree of the Prefect of Rome,
issued in conformity with instructions from Your
Majesty communicated by the Vicegerent of the
Governor-General, an order of sequestration is to
be placed on all the goods ^ without exception^ belong-
ing to Sieur Jean Patrizi, a proprietor in Rome.
" The Sieur Patrizi possesses in the city of
Siena a palace and lands producing approximately
an annual revenue of 2,000 francs. The Prefect
124 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
of the Ombronne inquires whether these properties
are to be included in the order for sequestration,
like those which the Sieur Patrizi possesses in the
Department of Rome.
*' Not knowing what decision Your Majesty
has taken on this subject, I beg that I may receive
Your Majesty*s orders.
" The Minister of Finance,
"The Duke of Gaita."
The answer to this inquiry was short and to
the point. The Emperor wrote on the margin
of the Duke's letter :
"Yes!
"Napoleon.
"St. Cloud Palace of the Tuileries,
'^January 30, 18 12."
When orders were given in this form they were
not discussed ; indeed, they were not spoken of.
They were fulfilled, and that was all. The Patrizi
family would have been reduced to destitution had
not the tenants, respecting its misfortunes, animated
by the same principles, and confident of better
things in the future, continued, secretly, and in
spite of the menaces of the Government, to offer
small loans of money to their landlord.
And when these means of assistance, on which,
from delicacy of feeling, the Patrizi s were very
loth to trespass, came to an end, the family
PROPERTY SEQUESTRATED 125
sacrificed jewels and plate rather than recede
from the attitude they had taken in the conflict
with injustice and violence. They even attempted
to keep the bad news from the Marchese Giovanni,
but it was imparted to him at Bologna by
Monsignor Naro, his mother's uncle, as he relates
in his Memoirs.
Of his departure from Civita Vecchia, he writes :
" At the gate of the fortress I found the travel-
ling-carriage and got into it, with my escort. The
sea at that moment was tossed by a violent storm
which seemed to threaten even the vessels inside
the harbour. This extravagance of the weather,
however, did not penetrate inland, and, as we
left the sea behind, the sky cleared. Having
left Civita Vecchia after ten in the morning, it
was impossible to reach Viterbo without travelling
during a great part of the night — and that over
roads that were anything but good. Therefore I
proposed to the gendarme that we should pass
the night at Monte Romano, a place belonging
to the Arch-hospital of Santo Spirito, where I
knew that we should find the oft-mentioned Signor
Guglielmi, who would certainly receive us with
pleasure.
"The gendarme accepted my proposal, but on
126 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
arriving at Monte Romano I learnt, to my regret,
that Guglielmi had had an accident and was laid
up at Corneto. There were there, however,
Messrs. Francesco Bruschi and Vincenzo Calabrini,
co-tenants with him of the estate, and they
received me and treated me with every courtesy
at the Palazzo S. Spirito, which they had rented.
*' On the morning of the i8th of December,
at the break of day, I left Monte Romano and
towards noon reached Viterbo, where I stopped
for dinner at the Palazzo Chigi Montoro, belonging
to my mother. Here I had the consolation of
embracing again the excellent Monsignore de
Bonneval, formerly Bishop of Seney in France,
whom 1 immediately notified of my arrival, since,
according to the instructions my guard had received
from the police in Rome, I was forbidden to
pay any visits and was to be allowed to receive
very few.
" The noble, incomparable prelate had the good-
ness to come to me at once, and, embracing me
with tears, said that his eyes must speak for his
tongue, as the Italian language was not very
familiar to him. He communicated to me a letter
from our mutual friend, Cavaliere Bassi, in which
the writer drew a sad picture of the present
situation of my family.
" The next night I stopped at S. Lorenzo Nuovo,
and on the 19th, at ten o'clock in the evening, I
reached Siena, where I went to rest at my own
SIENA AND FLORENCE 127
house. Here there was no lack of good friends
to visit me, for I have many in this second home-
country. As it was impossible for me, in my
situation, to go and pay my respects in person
to the Very Rev. Archbishop Zondadari,* I sent
him word at least of my wishes, and of my regret
that 1 was not permitted to carry them out. The
venerable and gracious prelate, full of kind feelings
towards myself and my family, would not allow
me to leave Siena without having had the happiness
of saluting him, and on the morning of the 20th,
a few minutes before my departure, he con-
descended to come to my house and honour me
with a visit.
" I cannot express the confusion which over-
whelmed me at this mark of goodness from the
saintly pastor, a confusion immeasurably increased
by the rudeness of my guard, who hurried my
departure to such an extent that I was, as it were,
forced to dismiss the illustrious personage who had
bestowed on me such a mark of favour. On
that morning I had the consolation of assisting, in
my private chapel, at Holy Mass, of which I had
been deprived ever since the 25th of November.
" That evening I reached Florence and put up at
the Hotel New York. The next morning, having
heard Mass, as was my duty, in honour of St.
* This good prelate is described in a French police report, 1808,
as " a tiger, the enemy of France and of humanity, who must be
muzzled by a severe police."
128 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
Thomas, whose feast it was, I continued my journey
and stopped for the night at Covigliano, a village
situated high up in the Apennines. Leaving that
place on the 22nd, I fulfilled my religious duties for
the Sunday at Loiano, and was there, in the quality
of a prisoner, presented to the Commissary of Police.
Some one had made my guard believe that this
functionary wished to see me ; but I at once perceived,
from his manner, that nothing was further from his
desires. Some malicious wag had wished to inflict
this little inconvenience on us both, and on me the
very slight mortification it involved, not realising that
in these days it is not a disgrace, but an honour,
to be a prisoner.
" On the same day, towards two in the afternoon,
I reached Bologna. I had asked, as a favour, of my
mentor, to be allowed to lodge in Palazzo Spada
with my uncle, Monsignor Naro, Majordomo of
St. Peter's, who for the last eighteen months had
been exiled to Bologna for having refused to take
the oath required of him in his character of a Canon
of the Vatican. The desired favour was granted,
and we drew up at the door of the palace. My good
uncle was glad to see me again, but his joy was sadly
tempered by beholding me in such a position. After
the first exchange of greetings he gave me a letter
which he had received from my mother but a few
moments earlier, enclosing one that I myself had
written to him from Civita Vecchia.
" Who can describe my tender mother's laments
BAD NEWS AT BOLOGNA 129
over my destination ? She declared herself convinced
that I was being taken to Fenestrelle,* she described
the uncontrollable grief of the whole family when
my farewell letter from Civita Vecchia was read ;
and finally she narrated how an imperial usher had
presented himself at the house to sequestrate all my
effects. She went on to say they hoped to avert the
execution of the order by showing a certificate which
my father had already exhibited to the authorities,
declaring that I had no property whatever in the
house, it all belonging to my father, including even
the furniture of the rooms assigned to me. This
new blow was as heavy as it was unexpected, and
depressed me much, since it was an indication of
the extreme rigour which was being adopted in the
proceedings against me.
" Now, while I was having a conversation the
reverse of cheerful with my uncle, and he was
making the necessary dispositions for my stay that
night, my gendarme discovered that some comrades
of his were lodging in the palace, and he confided to
me his fears that they would get him into trouble
with his superiors for having brought me there
against the orders he had received, forbidding him
to let me visit any private house. Since in Viterbo
and in Siena he had taken upon himself to disregard
these orders simply to oblige me, I saw the reason-
ableness of his present protest. My uncle agreed
* This distant prison fortress had an evil name for rigour and
discomfort.
9
130 THE PATRI2I MEMOIRS
with me, and in consequence I asked to be transferred
from Palazzo Spada to the Hotel del Pellegrino.
"Truth constrains me to say that my custodian
appeared genuinely grateful for my consideration in
this matter, and also very sorry to have had to
deprive me of the pleasure of being with my uncle
. . . but I enjoyed the same pleasure at the hotel,
where he came and remained with me for some
hours, prolonging his visit till after we had supped.
Then we separated, sadly uncertain of the time and
place where we should be permitted to embrace each
other again.
** I also received the kind visit of my cousin,
Donna Prudenza Spada, and her husband, the
Marchese Valerio Boschi. Two other friends came
as well. Canon Bolognetti of the Vatican and Canon
De Rossi of Sta. Maria in Cosmedin, both under
sentence of exile for the same cause as my uncle.
" On the 23rd we slept at Parma, and on the
24th at Voghera, where I was cheered on that most
holy night by the joyous sound of the church bells
ringing for the Nativity of the Divine Redeemer.
On the morning of Christmas Day we left Voghera,
heard Mass at Tortona, dined at Alessandria, and
at ten that night we reached Turin, where we put
up at the Hotel de Londres. So here I was at
last in Delphi, where the Oracle would pronounce
decisively on my fate ! I longed for the daylight
to come, so that I could go and consult the
venerated tripod and hear my sentence, for my
THE ''ORACLE*' AT TURIN 131
guardian had told me that he was the bearer of a
letter from the Director-General of Police in Rome
to the corresponding functionary in Turin, from
whom fresh orders were to be expected as to my
now interesting self. So, having assisted at the
Divine Sacrifice on the morning of the 26th at
the elegant church of S. Lorenzo, where only
the feast of the Proto-martyr (Saint Stephen) was
commemorated, we repaired to the Palace of Police,
but found that M. Danzer, the Director, was
absent.
" The High-priest being away, the awe-inspiring
curtain was not raised, and the oracle was dumb.
We returned at two o'clock, when my guard was
admitted to the audience first, and I was left to
wait in the anteroom. I was then introduced into
the presence of the Augur, and inquired of him
as to my fate. He replied mysteriously that it
was hidden from him, and that he must get his
orders from His Serene Highness the Prince-
Governor ; that is to say, of my fellow-citizen,
Prince Camillo Borghese.* Who would have believed,
a few years ago, that my fate was to depend on
this creature — or, to put it more clearly, on this
automaton, the loyal executor of the harsh orders
of his reigning brother-in-law ?
*' The Director asked me whether I was accom-
♦ "A fool, odious and despised, whose connection with Napoleon
robbed him of all prestige in the eyes of his fellow-countrymen." —
Madelin, •' La Rome de Napoleon."
132 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
panied by a servant, and, on my replying in the
affirmative, he remarked that, as the man would
have to share my fortunes, it would be well to
find out whether he was disposed to follow whither-
soever they might lead. I promised to do this,
and then made bold to ask the official whether I
might go about the city with my guide while
waiting for the final oracle to issue from the
Napoleon-Borghese tripod. He replied politely,
no ; on the contrary, I was told to hold myself
in readiness for the departure, which would probably
take place that same night. Obedient to these
commands, I returned to the hotel, and spent the
rest of the day, and about half of the night, sitting
by the fire.
" The 27 th dawned, the feast of the beloved
disciple whose name I am privileged to bear. When
the sun was high in the heavens, I was still uncertain
of my fate. Towards noon a gendarme, sent by
the police, came to inform me that I was to leave
Turin in two hours. Here humour entered into
the situation, for the herald of bad news, in making
this pleasant announcement, displayed before my
eyes a paper containing the order for my deporta-
tion to Fenestrelle with an escort of two gendarmes,
to each of whom I was to pay five francs a day,
as well as the money for their return journey !
I really believe that the man was ashamed to pro-
nounce this sentence, and showed me the paper to
let me find it out for myself. The first word
PATRIZI LEARNS HIS FATE 133
I saw was * Fenistrelle/ Not in the least cast
down by this new trait of imperial benevolence, of
which I had had such striking proofs, I proceeded
to inquire of the herald as to the distance to
Fenestrelle, and the best means of making the
journey.
" He pretended to be surprised at my having
learnt the name of my destination . . . and indeed
I felt grateful to him for the courtesy which
had allowed me to read it rather than hear it
actually pronounced. . . . But now there arrived
on the scene the two gendarmes who were to
take this great criminal in charge, to carry him
into the recesses of the Alps ; the other, who
had brought me to Turin, was free from that
moment.
"And here I must say something about the
character of this soldier. From the first moment
when I had the misfortune to make his acquaintance
he declared himself anxious to fall in with my
wishes in every way that should be possible to
him ; but it appeared that very little was possible,
since he did next to nothing in that way. Under
a mask of moderation he concealed extreme rigour.
He was always at my side, like a ferocious mastiiF,
and never, so to speak, lost sight of me. On
two nights only, and that because the lodging
permitted of no other arrangement, had he been
induced to sleep in a room separate from mine ; but
close to it. The fear of compromising himself
134 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
prevented him from letting me pay any visit to
friends or relations in the cities through which we
passed, and it was with difficulty that he was
persuaded to let me receive them. Having been
induced to let me lodge with my uncle in Bologna,
he was afraid of the gendarmes in the palace, and
the pleasure had to be renounced. His conduct
in Siena, obliging me actually to dismiss the Arch-
bishop, showed that he was wanting in all good
manners, and I really travelled as fast as I could to
be quit of his unwelcome company !
" In the two satellites assigned to me in Turin I
found more gentleness and refinement. It was on
the 27th of December, towards three in the afternoon,
that I left that place with my new guards. We
passed the night at Pinerolo, and on the 28 th, the
Feast of the Holy Innocents, an hour after midday,
we reached the village of Fenestrelle.
" My guards stopped at the village inn, evidently
hoping that I would order dinner there for them and
myself; but I requested to be taken at once to the
Commandant. The snow was falling as I climbed
the giogo and entered the fortress of S. Carlo,
where the excellent official, M. Bernard David, and
his worthy wife gave me the kindest of welcomes.
But the most cordial demonstrations of friendship
awaited me from Count Andrea Baccili of Fermo
and the Abb6 Domenico Sala, my fellow citizen.
As soon as they heard of my arrival they left their
dinner and hastened to the apartment of the Com-
ARRIVAL AT FENESTRELLE 135
mandant, where they embraced me with all the
warmth of their kind hearts.
" The first of these gentlemen had, three months
earlier, completed the third year of his imprisonment
in the fortress ; the second had been there nearly
ten months. Count Baccili I knew only by reputa-
tion, with the Abbe I was well acquainted ; but
from that moment, recognising in them fellow-
victims of the hipenne (double-headed axe) that
was attacking me, I began to feel for them a very
tender friendship. It was from them that I received
the welcome information that I was not to be
condemned to solitary confinement, a measure which
I had been led to apprehend from the rigour with
which I had been treated at Civita Vecchia and on
my journey. And then, understanding my great
need of food at that moment, they invited me to
their table, and on my asking if they would accept
my company regularly at meals, most kindly con-
sented to the arrangement. I was indeed glad to
find that the wish (for congenial companions) which
I had formed as soon as I suspected that I was being
sent to Fenestrelle, was to be so fully gratified.
*' Some of the prisoners, for the most part
ecclesiastics and very distinguished, came to greet
their new colleague, and the good Commendatore
of San Lorenzo, whom I knew well and who, being
confined to his bed, could not come in person, sent
his servant to make a thousand obliging offers in
his name. But inexpressible was my joy when my
136 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
friend Baccili led me to where 1 could present my
homage to His Eminence Cardinal Pacca, and I
could imprint an affectionate kiss on the sacred
purple * which he so worthily wears, and which is
surely adorned with a new gem for every one of
the insults and sorrows he has so intrepidly endured
in defence of the inalienable rights of the Holy See.
*' It was then the end of the twenty-ninth month
that this incomparable prelate, Prime Minister, and
fellow-sufferer in the abduction of the great and
immortal Pius VII, my true and only Sovereign,
had passed in this fortress under rigorous guard.
He received me with the graciousness which is a
part of his angelic character, condescended to press
me to his heart, and then and there began to over-
whelm me with favours, which have never ceased
to the present day.
'* I was then conducted to the room assigned to
me, which, thanks to the kindness of my friends,
I should in any case have found prepared for my
arrival ; but in this the Cardinal had most graciously
forestalled them. The room was an excellent one,
but unfortunately very distant from that of the
good comrades who had made me free of their
table ; and so, in consequence of the many re-
presentations made by my friend BacciJi to the
wife of the Commandant, I was soon transferred to
another much better apartment . . . next to his own.
* " Baciar la sacra porpora," a form of words still employed when
speaking of saluting a prelate.
FRIENDS IN PRISON 137
*' On the day of my arrival at Fenestrelle I
thought it wise to dismiss my servant, who, as
I clearly perceived, would not have been contented
to remain with me there, although he declared
himself willing to do so should I command him.
. . . After two or three days I was admitted, in
company with the Cardinal and my friend Baccili, to
the society of the Chatelaine, with whom we have
kept up our friendly relations to this day.
" Ever adoring the eternally loving and just dis-
positions of Heaven, I could contemplate with a
quiet mind my new situation, rendered so much
less irksome by the society of the good priests, by
the abundance of religious consolations, by the per-
manent presence of the August Sacrament in the
chapel of the fort, thus affording every facility for
the exercise of our holy religion, the privation of
which I had felt so deeply in my unhappy sojourn
at Civita Vecchia."
The accomplished compiler of the Memoirs is
careful to note here that the poor servant Mariano
did not abandon his master from motives of cowardice.
In a letter written by the Marchesa Cunegonda to
her husband in the month of November 1 8 1 2, she
says : " I hear that Mariano, who left you at Fene-
strelle, has got married. He was thinking of this
138 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
before, and this was probably the reason why he
was frightened at the idea of a state prison."
And now the correspondence between husband
and wife became more active, the poor lady still
believing her spouse to be at Civita Vecchia. On
December i6 she writes :
" My dearest Giovanni, —
" Two lines before your departure. I wish
to know, and I pray you to tell the Signor Filippo "
(evidently her messenger), " whether you are quiet
and resigned. I pray God with all my heart that
it may be so.
" 1 received word this morning that, when it is
desired that I should leave " (for France), '' the pass-
ports will be sent to me, but that meanwhile I
am merely to continue my preparations. This, as
I perceive, is for fear I should meet you on the
road. Well, I shall start as soon as I have per-
mission. Don Lorenzo " (Giustiniani) " insists that
I ought to travel slowly. I wished to hasten to
reach Paris in order to procure your liberation ;
but he says that you will be quite at peace in your
new lodging, and that you would prefer my travelling
easily. This seems to accord with all you have said
and written, so I will follow his counsel. Mean-
while Cristina " (Cunegonda's sister, married to the
Marchese Massimo) " is writing to-day to Marianna
to intercede for you." (Marianna was another
sister, married to Prince Altieri, who had accepted
CUNEGONDA'S SYMPATHY 139
office under the new Government and was believed
to have strong influence at Court.) " How many-
things I long to say to you, my dear Gio, but I
have no time, and you understand it all. I hope
we shall see one another soon ; but till then be
sure that no moment passes without my thinking
of you.
" Pray for me, and take care of yourself. Fare-
well."
" Rome, December 21s f, 181 1.
'* My Dearest Giovanni,
" In the confusion and bewilderment caused
us by your unexpected departure we did not think
of arranging for you to have direct news of us in
the course of your journey ; I am trying to remedy
this involuntary oversight to-day by sending this
letter to Turin, to a faithful person, so that it may be
delivered into your own hands. I think with grief,
my dear, that every moment now takes you farther
away from us, and even now we are not certain of
your destination ; greatly I fear it may be Fenes-
trelle. That which consoles me in the midst of so
many afflictions is the certainty that our Good
Father is with you, and that He will never forsake
you ; on the contrary, that He will bestow all the
spiritual consolations which can sustain and encour-
age you in your solitude. The prayers being put
up for you are without number, even by persons
who do not know you, but who take deep interest
140 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
in all that concerns you. We got news of you
from Viterbo, and it was a great pleasure to me to
hear that you were so calm ; and indeed, how
should you be otherwise ? . . . I can give you good
news of all here at home, your father being about
as usual ; the children are all well, and nothing more
has been said about my departure as yet ; I wrote
you that I was told to wait until they should send
the passports, and I obey. It is not Parisani who
will accompany me ; it would have been too great
a privation to your father to be separated from him
just now ; so our excellent friend Don Lorenzo has
offered himself (as escort), and you may believe how
gladly I accepted, knowing how welcome to you
would be this new proof of his friendship.
" So be reassured as to what regards me, for
I shall travel in good company. I will be very care-
ful of myself and will travel slowly, according to
your wish.
" The last letter, which you wrote to the whole
family before leaving Civita Vecchia, touched us all
to the last degree. Mariuccia* was very pleased
with the one you wrote her a few days earlier.
Your twelve fellow prisoners are inconsolable for
your absence.
" Farewell, my Giovanni, dear ; I must not pro-
long this letter as I should miss the hour of the
post. Write to me if you can ; do not send the
letter through the police, but simply by post as
* Giovanni's younger sister.
A CURIOUS CHAPERON 141
every one does. Your father and mother, your
children, your sister, your friends, send you a
thousand loving messages. Good-bye, my dearest,
good-bye ! "
Both Cunegonda and her husband, as well as the
rest of the circle in Palazzo Patrizi, firmly believed
that as soon as the little boys should have been
brought to France their father would be set at
liberty, and it was in this assurance that Cunegonda
showed herself now so willing and even anxious to
undertake the journey. In those days of rough and
often dangerous journeying, it would have been
considered unsafe as well as improper for a woman
of her rank to travel without a male escort of her
own class, and we see that first Signor Parisani, and
then Don Lorenzo Giustiniani, came forward to fill
the part of protector and guide in Giovanni's absence.
His satisfaction at the arrangement is taken for
granted, and the Memoirs, as they go on, show the
(to our more sophisticated eyes) strange spectacle
of a young and beautiful lady and her children
entrusted unhesitatingly to the care of a popular
society man — not only for the journey to France,
but for the whole period of her sojourn in that
country, when, the boys being interned at the
military school, the Marchesa and her husband's
friend, faithful as a watch-dog to his charge, are
constrained to keep house together for nearly two
years 1 And this without the faintest suspicion of
142 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
scandal having ever been suggested I Autre tempSy
autres moeurs /
Cunegonda's two letters only reached her husband
at Fenestrelle. Giovanni was a good deal troubled
at the news that his brother-in-law, Prince Altieri,
had undertaken to plead his cause with the Emperor.
To the proud Roman the act seemed as if it might
be regarded in the light of a capitulation on his part,
and he wrote very frankly to his wife on the subject.
The letter is dated from Fenestrelle, on New Year's
Day, 1812 :
"Dearest Gondina Mia,
'* Here 1 come to give you news of myself
for the first time from my latest place of exile —
news such as you wish, I am sure, for they are
excellent ! I am quite well and completely tranquil.
Nothing is wanting here either for the soul or the
body. For the soul, we are so happy as to have
our Lord, Who condescends to be a prisoner with
us — for we have Masses in abundance and every
facility for frequenting the Sacraments. For the
body, 1 am enjoying excellent health and have a fine
appetite and surprisingly good digestion ! And I
need not tell you how delightful is the company of
my friends, who load me with kindnesses. Alto-
gether, Gondina mine, I must say in all sincerity
PATRI2I REFUSES TO BEG 143
that so far it has required no great virtue on my part
to resign myself to stay at Fenestrelle, and if it were
not for the separation from those whom I love as
my own self, I could regard this sojourn more as
a villeggiatura than an imprisonment. I think you
must already have heard that I am allowed to walk
all over the fort, and to converse with those of my
fellow prisoners who are not condemned to solitary
confinement. In this way 1 have been a great deal
with the Canonico Bacchi and the Abbe Sala, from
whom I receive many kind attentions. The one
thing that lies heavy on my heart and causes me
anxiety is the fate of our dear children, and for this
cause I am going to write you very frankly all I
feel, leaving you, however, in perfect freedom to
act as shall seem best to you, taking counsel of your
Crucifix, of your own conscience, and of the incom-
parable friend of my heart who now accompanies
you.
" In the first place, I must say that I was a little
sorry about what you wrote me in the last letter
addressed to Civita Vecchia — that you had written
to your sister, Altieri, to try to obtain my liberation.
If this step was taken with a view to effecting the
possibility of my accompanying you on your journey,
I have nothing to say against it ; but if it tended to
remove me from my present situation by making it
appear that I regret the position I have maintained
hitherto, I cannot approve of it, since, far from
regretting my actions, I am prepared to remain a
144 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
prisoner for life if, by such imprisonment, I could
save my sons. Nor do I feel that we should let
them be taken from us save by actual force, or at any
rate where it should appear certain that such force
would be used. I believe that those who, in Paris
or in Rome, have interested themselves to have me
set at liberty, have made me appear what I was not —
changed ; and this afflicts me. ... It is true that I
consented to have you go to Paris with the
children, but this was solely to avoid the danger of
their being confided to a stranger ; in granting this
consent I had no intention of signifying that I with-
drew my opposition to giving them up, an act to
which we could only be brought by compulsion.
" I will tell you now how I would wish you to act
when you reach Paris ; but let it be clearly under-
stood that in this I do not imply any obligation
which compromises yourself or our excellent friend,
for I do not wish you to be compelled to pay me a
visit among these smiling hills ! In the first place,
I exhort you not to think of me at all ; on no account
let the fear of added severity towards me deter you
from doing frankly whatever you j udge to be right.
So, then, you must not think of me at all.
" When you reach Paris you should use every
possible means to obtain the exemption of the boys
from the Prytan6e. The attempts will probably be
in vain, and it will be well to make inquiries as
to the kind of education given in the schools existing
in Paris, in one of which your nephew, d'Esclignac,
PATRI2I ADVISES HIS WIFE 145
was placed. And if the reports are not unfavour-
able you might obtain the transference of our boys
from the Prytanee to such a school. If even this
is not to be obtained, and it is absolutely insisted
upon that they should go to the Prytanee de la
Fleche, then I advise you to go in person to the
Director of Police and represent to him that I
sanctioned your going to Paris so as not to give
the children into the hands of a stranger, but that
this does not in any way mean that I have authorised
you to give them up. Say that you know my
character, and that you are convinced I should fly
into the most furious passion with you if I learnt
that you had voluntarily, and without my explicit
consent, let the children go, and that, for your own
peace of mind and to preserve peace in the family,
you wish to be allowed to write and ask me what
is to be done. If you can only obtain this I know
very well what I shall reply ; but it will be hard
to obtain, and I fear that, after all, you will be obliged
to submit to the will of the authorities.
" So now recommend yourself earnestly to God
and to the Blessed Virgin, and act as your conscience
and your prudence shall dictate. I shall be apprised
of all either before or after you have handed over
the children, a thing of which the thought fills me
with horror. Beware of taking any steps to obtain
my liberation. That will come when it shall please
God, and when he who oppresses us shall be satiated.
*' Try, meanwhile, to protract as much as possible
10
146 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
the remainder of your journey to Paris. On this
account I should prefer to have you travel by post
rather than by " (private) " carriage, so that you
could go more slowly and with less expense. If
you have started in the carriage it might be well,
if possible, to leave it, and continue the journey by
post. . Do whatever seems best to you, and re-
member, Gondina mine, that time is precious."
The maxim was not quoted in its usual sense.
To gain time by every available means and excuse
was the object just then, and it is pathetic to read
the Marchese's suggestions for creating occasions
of delay. When he gives minute directions for
one proceeding after another, even going so far as
to tell his wife to describe him as an irascible
creature whose fury she dreaded, he knows that
unless Heaven intervenes the oppressor will have
to be obeyed in the end. But his faith in the
power of prayer inspires him with the strongest
hope that Heaven will intervene, that if he and his
wife hold out to the last moment the cup of the
usurper's iniquities will be full, and that the divine
vengeance will deprive him of further power for
evil. But the time was not yet, and Giovanni's
faith was to be perfected by a long and searching
trial before it was finally triumphantly justified.
The Memoirs show him sometimes in a very human
light, anxious for approbation, not incapable of
harmless vanity, disturbed by discomforts, and very
CHARACTER OF PATRIZI 147
sensible of material alleviations in his lot. But all
these little flaws, which would not be noticed in a
less exalted character, are forgotten in presence of
the man's splendid, unwavering faith in God and the
ultimate victory of Right over Wrong, the faith that
never faltered and gave him strength to contem-
plate that which he would gladly have suffered
martyrdom to prevent — the imperilling of his
children's souls by the insensate tyranny of Napo-
leon. In his later years, as will presently be shown,
he reproached himself for having taken life so easily,
and often expressed profound contrition for what
he called his sins. From the dawn of reason to
the day of his death, his life, and that of all de-
pendent on him, was regulated by the most scrupu-
lous Christian standards, and a voluntary offence
against God was a misfortune to be contemplated
with extreme horror ; so that it is hard for us,
with the diminished sensitiveness of a laxer day, to
see in what his sinfulness consisted.
One most attractive quality in Giovanni Patrizi
was his warm love of his friends. Friendship,
a hundred years ago, still retained the sacredness
of a tie only less binding than blood-relationship.
The family friends were called into its councils,
threw themselves into its interests, and sacrificed
time and means as well as personal comfort in
its service — good offices so deeply appreciated that
they were returned with loving interest whenever
the opportunity arose.
148 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
At the end of the long letter to his wife, just quoted,
Giovanni adds, speaking of Don Lorenzo Giustiniani :
" What, then, can you say in my name to the
incomparable friend ? Tell him that I do not
know how even to begin to express the infinite
gratitude I feel towards him. Tell him that my
friendship for him will be eternal, and that, although
we may be separated in the body, we shall never
be separated in spirit, either in this life or in the
next, as I trust in the Divine Infinite Mercy.
Tell him that to him I recommend the boys and
you — but these are needless words ! Tell him
that he must recommend me earnestly to the Lord
— and do you and the children the same — as I
unworthily do for you all, and embrace you all in
the Adorable Hearts of Jesus and Mary. Gondina
mine, for pity's sake be careful of your health.
I entreat you to understand that in all I have sug-
gested I have no intention of binding you in any
way, but that I leave you in full, fullest liberty
to do whatever you think best. I wish that, if
you find it possible, you will send me a reply
by the same channel which conveys this letter
to you. Gondina mine, who would have thought,
sixteen years ago to-day, that I should be writing
to you from this place ? Such is this world !
'' Love me always, and believe me, with the
greatest tenderness, you most affectionate husband,
" Giovanni."
LOOKING BACK 149
On the same day, January 7, 18 12, the anni-
versary of their wedding, Gondina echoes her
husband's exclamation :
"If any one had told us, sixteen years ago,
that on this day I should be writing to you from
so far away, I wandering about and you shut up
in a fortress, we should have refused to believe
him — and yet so it is ! May God be blessed for
it nevertheless, and I thank Him from my heart
for the tranquillity of mind He gives you and
which, certainly, can only come from Him."
CHAPTER VII
The irregularity of the postal arrangements, as
well as the irritating supervision of the police, left
Giovanni Patrizi for some time in ignorance of
what was taking place in Rome. It was only when
his wife and children had travelled as far as Siena
and were resting there that Cunegonda was able
to write to him in detail, and the letter was long
in reaching him in the seclusion of Fenestrelle.
Cunegonda could not overcome her dislike to
writing letters which had to pass under the eyes
of the authorities, and in her first short note from
Siena announces joyfully that she has found a
means of communicating her news by private hand.
On January 3, 18 12, she writes :
'* Dearest Giovanni mine, I have had the great
good fortune to find in this city a way of letting
you have news of us, and I am immediately taking
advantage of it. We received your letter from
Bologna, and are hoping very soon to get one from
you in Turin, but you must be anxious about us,
having heard nothing in such a critical moment.
You must know, then, that after repeated intima-
150
SIENA. THE CHAPEL IN THE PIAZZA.
Photo A\oscioni, Rome.
CUNEGONDA AT SIENA 151
tions, each more pressing than the last, and after
various menaces, I was forced to leave Rome on
December 26, with the two boys, a manservant,
my maid, and, instead of Parisani, our good friend
Don Lorenzo, as I wrote you to Turin. I arrived
here " (at Siena) " on the 30th, and, as I was worn
out with so many fatigues, I am staying for some
days. 1 have a bad cold and really need to rest
in order to find strength to continue the long
journey ; but the thought of it at this season
alarms me greatly, and I am going to try to
obtain permission to remain here at least until
the worst of the winter has passed ; I trust that
this grace will not be refused me. ... I am in-
tensely anxious to get some detailed news of you,
and I am hoping that you will be able to send
them to me through M. Gazan, who, 1 am told,
is very amiable, and full of cordiality towards the
prisoners.
" So I beg of you to answer this letter of mine
at once, for, even if 1 am not allowed to stay here
as long as I should like, I will certainly remain
long enough to receive your letter. 1 have good
news of your mother, and also of your father —
at least his health is not worse — Costantino too
is well, and is being very good.'*
Costantino, it will be remembered, was the
Patrizis* second son, ten years old at this time,
and, on account of his rather delicate health
152 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
exempted from the general kidnapping scheme which
had involved his family in so much trouble.
This seems to be the place to explain that the
amiable Monsieur Gazan, spoken of in the
Marchesa's letter to her husband, was a French
officer acting as adjutant in the garrison of
Fenestrelle. He still kept up a close friendship
with a former prisoner there, a certain Luigi
Custode, who was now living in Siena. The
correspondence between the two was constant
and intimate, the officer, who was afterwards
denounced to the authorities, giving his friend
minute detailed accounts of everything that occurred
in the prison and interesting himself in facilitating
the correspondence of the inmates with their friends
and relatives in the outside world. The Com-
mandant of Fenestrelle, Monsieur David, was also
suspected of favouring the communications of the
prisoners with their friends, and was, apparently,
replaced a little later by an official of the
Gendarmerie.
Meanwhile Cunegonda, joyfully availing herself
of the chance to write a coeur ouvert to her
husband, sends him, on the "29 of 1812," a
long letter finally describing ail the details of her
enforced departure from Rome.
" Dear Giovanni mine,
"In my last letter I told you that I had
received your answer to mine of the 3rd. I
A PRIVATE LETTER 153
cannot express the consolation it was to me to
see your handwriting, and more especially to receive
the assurance of the peace and tranquillity of spirit
that you enjoy, as well as the good news about
your health. Already from Rome I wrote you
that I knew of all this from others, but I was
ardently desiring to have it confirmed by yourself.
*'How I thank God, my dear Giovanni, for
all the graces He bestows upon you, and how
many things I would like to say to you on this
subject ; but I reserve them for the time when
it shall please Him that we can see one another
again, and meanwhile I pray from my heart that
He will preserve you in your present peace and
give you ever greater courage, poor Giovanni !
** What anxiety you must have been in at
receiving no news from home — and at such an
exciting time ! I am glad I was the first to set
your mind more at ease, but I cannot understand
how it was that the letters from Rome did not
reach you, since your mother writes me that the
first she wrote you from there " (after the
Marchesa's departure with the boys) " was sent
on the 28 th of December. . . . Before this corre-
spondence of ours is well established " (in good
working order) " a certain time will doubtless have
to pass, and I hope that before then it will be no
longer necessary for us to write to each other
at all !
" So you cannot reconcile all those threats and
154 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
orders driving me away from Rome with the refusal
to send me the passports ? I, to whom it happened,
cannot understand it either. It is true that I was
told to continue my preparations for departure, but
you know how it is that, for a journey of this kind,
there are many things that cannot be done or decided
until the day is fixed. On Sunday, the 22nd of
December, towards the Ave Maria " (half an hour
after sunset) "the same Commissary Pepe"* (who had
so often brought disagreeable messages before) ** pre-
sented himself and informed me that the Director of
Police had given the strictest orders that I was to
leave Rome that same night ; but that he, Pepe, had
obtained for me the grace of waiting till Monday "
(the next) '* morning.
" I replied that it was perfectly impossible for me
to be ready in such a short time, and that I begged
to be granted at least until the day after Christmas.
Pepe went off to transmit this request, and returned
on Monday morning to say that unless I started that
moment the children would be taken away without
me. I had instant recourse to Christina" (Cune-
gonda's sister married to Massimo), " to whom I was
already so deeply indebted and who showed me her
affection once more on this occasion. She went to
the Director, and, after entreating him for three-
quarters of an hour, extorted permission for me to
wait until the 26th, as I had asked. There, in a few
* Domenico Pepe, a Neapolitan who stood high in the police.
Not to be confounded with Guglielmo Pepe, Murat's general.
CHRISTINA INTERCEDES 155
words, is the story of my vicissitudes ! When I can
describe them to you in detail you will be astonished.
"You make me laugh when you tell me you are
leading a life of ease and that you fear you are
gaining no merit thereby. Do you think you have
suffered so little hitherto ? Now you have a little
rest, and it is my turn to carry the burden, but do
not worry yourself about that ; you know I have
good shoulders, and that I am well helped — so,
courage — forward !
** I am not surprised that you never received the
letter I wrote you to Turin. In the first place, it
did not arrive in time, and, secondly, the person to
whom I had confided it — the sister of a friend of
mine — was so afraid of getting compromised that
she had not the courage to send it to you, and it
still reposes in her possession. This is the sixth
that I have written to you. ..."
Here follow greetings from friends in Siena, the
announcement that Cunegonda had written to her
mother-in-law to be indulgent with Mariano who
had deserted his master in order to get married, and
a list of names which at least show that the sojourn
in Siena was a fairly pleasant one for the Marchesa
and her children. The letter closes with a postscript
from Don Lorenzo Giustiniani.
** Never speak of thanking me. It is I who must
give God thanks, for I have ever in my heart the
words of St. Paul : * Communicating to the necessi-
156 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
ties of the saints.' Let us look forward to thanking
our God with one heart and one voice for the benefits
which He daily bestows upon us."
One seems to hear the language of the Christians
in apostolic times, when faith inspired their every
action, and to this faith they added the courage
that attains to heroism, without being in the least
conscious of it !
The Marchesa Cunegonda had drawn from that
source, and from the inexhaustible one of maternal
love, the strength to accompany her children, not-
withstanding the dangers which she must confront
on the way. During the previous winter she had
been violently ill with pleurisy, and when she spoke
of her contemplated journey to the family physician,
Dottor Bomba, he had energetically opposed such a
step, on the ground that it was sheer madness for
her to undertake it. Finding he could not shake
her resolve, he tried to take matters into his own
hands, and appealed to the authorities to forbid the
journey, saying that the Marchesa was so troubled
with contractions of the lungs, difficulty in breathing,
and palpitation of the heart, that to undertake a
journey now would in all probability bring on a
return of her illness.
The only reply the good doctor's expostulations
called forth was the suggestion that another escort
should be found for the Patrizi children — a sugges-
tion which only served to strengthen her decision
never to give them up to strangers.
A JUVENILE DIARIST 157
The stages of the journey were naively described
by Filippo, the youngest of the two boys, in a care-
ful little diary, most queerly spelt, which he kept
during the whole journey. This feat, on the part
of a child only eight years old, is a crushing contra-
diction of the assertion, so often made, that education
was at a very low ebb in Rome, particularly among
the aristocratic classes. It is doubtful whether a
child of that age, in any country, with all the so-
called advantages of modern schooling, could do
better to-day than little Pippo Patrizi a hundred
years ago.
The journal opens with a grandiose inscription,
written as large as the small hand could make it, to
this effect :
" Diary of the journey from Rome to Paris made
by Philip Patrizi in company with his mother, the
Chevalier Giustiniani, his brother Saverio, a maid,
and a man-servant.
'' First day of the journey (Thursday).
^^ From Rome to Ronciglione. This morning, the
26th of December, we left home at 8.15 by
French time, with our own carriage, with 6 mules
belonging to Pollastri, and a coachman named
Tommato Giusti of excellent quality (!), and another
who was also good, but I do not know his name.
Storto. At 10 o'clock we arrived at Storto ; stayed
there a little and continued our journey towards
'Baccano, At half-past one we reached Baccano,
158 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
where, having restored ourselves at a fire, we had
dinner, and dinner was a soup with paste, a piece
of roast veal, a fry of calves* brains, a plate of
regagliey larks, sheeps'-milk cheese, and wine of
Oriolo and also of Campagnano." (Pippo takes
great interest in his dinner, and always gives full
details of the menu.)
*' Second day of the journey (Friday).
** From 'S^nciglione to Viterho,
** At half-past five in the morning we got up,
then we had breakfast, then we went to the church
of St. Sebastiano, where we heard Mass, and then
at 8 o'clock we left for Viterbo. Just beyond
Ronciglione we passed over the mountain of Viterbo,
where from a certain spot you can see the lake of
Vico.
" Viterbo, At twelve we arrived at Viterbo and
went to stop at Casa Chigi, where, when we had
warmed ourselves, we had dinner." (Here follows
the menu, of course.) " After dinner we went
out, Saverio and I, with M. le Chevalier Giustiniani,
and we went to the church of San Bernardo, and
then to the church of Santa Rosa, where we saw the
saint's body, the which is so preserved that it looks
as if she had died this very day ; and then we went
to see the Porta Fiorentina and the Road of the
Oak outside that same gate ; at a quarter past four
we returned to the house, where we found Mon-
signore the Bishop of Serrey and the Russian
Minister, who both went away at five o'clock, and
ACQUAPENDENTE 159
we remained in conversation with Signor Giacomo
Chiuchiulini " (there must have been a struggle
over the spelling of this name), " the steward of
Casa Chigi. Then, being at liberty, we wrote our
journals, had supper, and went to bed at 8 1/4.
" Third day (Saturday).
<i Prom Viterbo to Acquapendente.^
" Acquapendente. Thus called on account of a
waterfall named the Fifth Moon. Immediately on
entering the city we saw a pretty little church.
The streets of this city are narrow, but well paved.
The Post Hotel, where we stopped, is exceedingly
bad. It is enough to say that there were only two
rooms, with two beds in each, which rooms were
close next to those of the vetturini ; the beds were
also bad ; but I will cease to abuse the hotel and
tell about the supper. First I must say that the
maid at the hotel tried to force us to eat meat, this
being a fast day."
Here follows a scornful account of the improvised
" maigre " menu.
" After supper we did not go to bed, for the
reasons I have explained, but I slept on a bench
and the Chevalier Giustiniani before the fire. We
got up an hour afterwards, that is to say, at two
in the morning, and came away from Acquapendente
and the horrid hotel.
■'*■ " Hanging water."
i6o THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
** Fourth day of the journey (Sunday) :
** From Acquapendente to S, Quirt co. After
leaving Acquapendente we crossed the Georgian
Bridge which is upon the river Paglia, and then
we went five times through the Rigo torrent, and
then we stopped at Ponte Centino, the last posting-
station of the Papal States, where four horses were
attached to pull us up the mountain of Radicofani,
the which is as steep as it can be and very stony ;
when one reaches a certain point one sees Radicofani,
and you think you have arrived there, but in reality
you have to wind round and round for a long time
before getting to it. We arrived about half-past
eight at Radicofani, which is lOO miles distant
from Rome ; there we heard Mass, and, having
restored ourselves at the fire, had dinner, and while
we were dining the maid told us that the room
in which the Holy Father Pius VII slept when
he was being carried away from Rome had burnt
up on account of the huge fire that some French
soldiers made. The end of a beam caught fire,
and then the whole room got burnt.
" At half- past twelve we left Radicofani to go
to S. Quirico in Tuscany ; before arriving there,
there is the river Oricia ; we reached S. Quirico
at half-past five, and went to lodge in the Palazzo
Chigi, where they made a good fire for us. Then we
had supper, and were well treated at that. Then
we went to bed ; the beds were all covered with
red damask, with the canopies all of red damask too.
LETTERS SCRUTIKISED i6i
*' Fifth day of the journey :
" From S. Quirico to Siena, We arrived at Siena
at half-past four in the afternoon, and alighted at
our own house, had supper, and many Sienese
gentlemen came, and at half-past eleven we went
to bed. In this city (of which the description
shall be written separately) we remained 5 months
and 6 days."
Pippo's diary ceases here, to be taken up religiously
when the family continues its very slow progress to
Paris. His mother made the most of every excuse
to linger by the way, hoping against hope for some
unexpected intervention to liberate her husband and
relieve her of the necessity of finally carrying out
Napoleon's orders about the boys. The family
was terribly embarrassed, financially, by the sequestra-
tion of its revenues, and to this, by Napoleon*s
personal order, was added the extreme annoyance
of having all communications to, or from, the
prisoner of Fenestrelle sent to Norvins and Danzer,
the former Director of Police at Turin, the latter
filling the same office in Rome. Later we shall
see that even these restrictions were not considered
sufficiently severe, and that the Patrizi correspondence
had to be consigned to, and overhauled by, much
more exalted personages.
But, as we know, the Marchesa Cunegonda had
found at Siena a trustworthy person by whose good
offices she was enabled to write almost every day
II
i62 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
to her husband, and to receive his letters, without
their having been submitted to censorship. On
February 3 she writes :
" My dear Gio,
" I cannot understand why you do not
receive the letters from Rome, and I know how
much this must grieve you. As long as I am
here '* (in Siena) " it does not matter so much, since
I can let you know all that happens at home —
since, thank God, my letters reach you punctually.
But, if I leave this before the communications are
open, it will be a great hardship. To-morrow I
will write to my mother-in-law and tell her how
many letters you have written home, for in the
last one to me she complained that she had received
nothing from you since the 1 9th of January. I have
caused inquiries to be made at the Police Office,
but I fear they will prove useless. Really, if they
keep them back there, it seems to me a cruelty
which can give them no satisfaction, for surely you
have not written anything that could cause alarm ;
but it is true they find something to criticise in
every word, and I heard that your letters to me
from Civita Vecchia, which I missed for three posts,
were kept back because they were found to be boute
feu " (incendiary), '' that was the expression they
used ! "
The obstinate resistance of the Patrizis to the
imperial demands were by this time made the more
CUNEGONDA'S SISTERS 163
conspicuous to the Government by the submission
of their many relations. All the other children
ordered to go to France were either already there
or were to start at Easter, including the sons of
Cunegonda's sisters, Princess Altieri and the Mar-
chesa Massimo. On February 7 she gave her husband
some interesting details on the subject.
" Clementino Altieri will only be enrolled among
the (imperial) pages after Easter. Every Sunday
he is to have leave, like all the rest, to dine with
his relations and stay with them all day. This does
not seem to me such a very great thing. They
tell me the Prince is rather anxious about Augusto,
but they have not explained why. Marianna"
(Princess Altieri) " went to dine with the Empress
Josephine, who made a great deal of her. On New
Year's Day Marianna was in court dress for four
hours on end, making visits to all the kings and
queens possible, while it was snowing most fear-
fully. Christina " (Marchesa Massimo), " who is
always joking, says that she can see from Rome
the envy by which I am devoured, and of course
she is right. You will understand that .'' "
There was great hope at Siena that the Marchese
Giovanni's imprisonment would be commuted to
mere exile from Rome, in which case he could have
rejoined his family at Siena. In Cunegonda's letter
of February 7 is enclosed one from Saverio to his
father.
i64 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
" Dearest Papa mine, —
*' It would be a fine thing if, one of these
days, while we are all here, you would give us a
surprise. I warn you beforehand that you had
better put on an iron collar, so as not to be throttled
by my hugging you. If I could see you, even at
the cost of pulling your carriage all the way from
your residence to ours, I would do it gladly, even
all by myself. Papa mine, I pray you to believe me
" Your devoted, loving son,
'* Saverio.**
In addressing their parents, either by writing or
speaking, the Patrizi boys, like all well-brought-up
children at the present day, used the third person,
the courteous '' Lei," for which we have no synony-
mous form in English. Even the Marchese and
his wife always employ the formal '' You " to each
other in their correspondence, " Thou," the tutoiement
so familiar to us now, being considered in those days
too common for the use of refined persons, even
those most closely related. In the south of Italy
" You " is the general form of respectful address,
even to very exalted personages.
The stay in Siena proved the least painful stage
of Marchesa Cunegonda's sorrowful journey. The
children most tactfully managed to catch a very
light form of measles, which gave her a good excuse
to prolong the halt and nurse herself, instead of
continuing to travel in the depth of winter. Her
SIENA. PIAZZA AND TOWN HALL.
Fhoto A\oscioni, Rome.
A *' FORTUNATE CONTRETEMPS" 165
pleasure at this fortunate contretemps causes her to
reproach herself contritely for her selfishness later ;
but meanwhile valuable time had been gained. The
prisoner at Fenestrelle was delighted at the news —
anything was good which delayed the consigning
of the boys to the abhorred French school. But
the matter was viewed in a very different light by
Giovanni's father and mother, who believed that he
would be set at liberty as soon as the boys had
arrived at La Fl^che.
On February 1 2 Cunegonda writes to her husband:
'* I have sent the medical certificate to Paris in order
that my delay may not be imputed to me as an
added crime. My sister" (Altieri) "must have
received it by this time. I have had a letter from
her this morning saying that she has heard of the
boys' illness, that she is sorry not to see me so
soon as she had hoped, but that I must let the boys
have every care. She added that, a few days earlier,
the Minister of Police, the Due de Rovigo, had
inquired of her whether I had arrived, and she told
him that I had stopped in Siena, as I was ill, a thing
which she had certainly foreseen, knowing how bad
the journey would be for me. She did not know
then of the boys' illness, but she will tell him (the
Minister of Police) at the first opportunity. Your
mother, although she wants the children to recover
completely, is frenzied to have me get to Paris,
hoping that then I shall obtain your immediate
liberation, and this is what was told to my sister
i66 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
when she interceded for you ; but I, who know you,
am more than sure that you are not in any such
hurry to come out — on these terms " (of giving
up the children).
The Archbishop of Siena, Cardinal Zondadari,
who had shown so much friendship for Giovanni,
manifested the most delicate and kind attentions to
Cunegonda. He came to see her constantly, and
was able, through her, to communicate with Cardinal
Pacca, Giovanni's fellow prisoner at Fenestrelle, who
was always designated in this clandestine correspond-
ence as "La Pecorella," the " Lamb." The noble
ladies of Siena vied with each other in showing
courtesy towards the Marchesa Patrizi, and so over-
whelmed her with visits that she had to make quite
a struggle to have for herself the morning hours
which she devoted to exercises of piety and to
continuing the education of her children, teaching
them some subjects herself and superintending the
instructions of the masters she engaged for them,
being especially anxious that they should progress
in their Italian and in their French. It may sound
strange that the Marchesa should have been anxious
for her children to be instructed in the language
of their own country ; but her pre-occupation is
explained when we remember that almost all regular
instruction was given in Latin, and that, in con-
RESTING AT SIENA 167
sequence, the complicated elegancies of '* high "
Italian often remained a closed book to those who
knew it merely as the ordinary medium of com-
munication with their fellow men.
Siena was a gay, self-contained little city in those
days, and many were the hospitalities offered to the
Marchesa Patrizi ; but she would accept no invitations
till just before her departure, fearing that the
authorities would, if she were known to be amusing
herself, no longer allow the delay on the count of
her health, which indeed made it more prudent for
her to rest as much as possible before resuming the
journey to Paris. There was then in Siena a step-
brother of her father-in-law, the * Bailli * (acting
Grand Master) of Malta, Ruspoli, a charming old
gentleman whose quaint ways often afforded much
amusement to his relations.
The Order of the Knights of Malta had been
practically suppressed in 1798 when Napoleon, on
his way to Egypt, took possession of the island and
forced the Grand Master, Ferdinand von Hompesch,
to resign. Paul I of Russia, although not a
Catholic, was then recognised by the Pope and the
members of the Order as Grand Master, but on his
death in 1801 his successor, Alexander I, refused
the honour, and the Order was administered for over
seventy years by a vicegerent in Rome. There was
a clause in the Treaty of Amiens (1802) stipulat-
ing that the island of Malta was to be ceded to its
rightful owners ; but the further outbreak of war
i68 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
prevented the restitution, and the Order was home-
less till, in 1827, Leo XII invited it to take refuge
in the Pontifical Dominion, an act of hospitality
which Gregory XVI completed by authorising its
definite installation in Rome in 1831. One of the
first acts of Leo XIII was to restore the ancient
dignity of the illustrious Order, and, after being
in abeyance for seventy-four years, the title of
Grand Master was revived on March 28, 1879.
There is a curious provision in the Statutes that
Knights of Bohemian extraction must have sixteen
quarterings, but for those of all other nations only
four are required.
The noble Order was suffering eclipse when the
Marchesa Patrizi made her long halt in Siena, and
* Uncle Ruspoli,' who, since the Napoleonic in-
vasion, had acquired the habit of spending a great
part of each winter in the cosy Tuscan city, was a
most cheerful companion in the house. Like every
one else, he had fallen deeply in love with Cunegonda
when she entered the family as a bride, and though
he did not, like her father-in-law, exalt her charm
in verse, he was to the end one of her most devoted
adherents. He was a man who lived by rule even
to his own inconvenience, for, regardless of what the
weather might be doing, he always put on his heavy
winter clothes on a fixed day, as also his nankeen
breeches, at the cost of many a shiver, at a particular
moment of the Spring ; his ideal of comfort was
stability, and poor Cunegonda, driven about the
A KNIGHT OF MALTA 169
world in a tide of uncertainties, appeared to him
deserving of the deepest commiseration.
A poor woman in Siena, whose aunt had been
employed at the Palazzo Patrizi a hundred years
earlier, told the writer of the Memoirs a quaint
anecdote about the good * Bailli/ Among the
habits which he had formed, and which his metho-
dical mind caused him to regard as solemn duties,
was that of paying every day a visit to the Sanctuary
of the Madonna of Provenzano, and of giving alms
to at least one poor mendicant on the road. One
day, in the heart of the winter, the snow was
falling very heavily, and there was not a living
creature in sight. Sighing deeply, but never dream-
ing of omitting his daily pilgrimage, the * Bailli '
came out, went down to the Provenzano Church,
made his visit to his beloved little Madonna, and
turned homewards, hoping with all his heart that
he would meet one of his many prot^g^s before
he reached the Palazzo Patrizi. But fate was
against him — even the beggars would not stir out
of doors, and he found himself at home without
having been able to bestow his alms ! Well, since
the beggars would not come to him, he must go
and look for them — a Knight of Malta could not
break his word. So, in face of the raging snow-
storm, he trudged on to the Duomo, and just as
a wild gust carried away his hat he perceived an
old woman tottering towards him with outstretched
hand.
170 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
** May God reward you for your alms ! " she
said, as he dropped the silver piece in her palm.
" May God reward you^'' cried the Bailli, " for
having asked it of me I If you had not, Heaven
knows how far I might have had to go ! " And
he plunged away, racing after his hat, which had
fortunately taken the right road home.
CHAPTER VIII
On February 24 Cunegonda Patrizi wrote an un-
usually long letter to her husband, having received
two of his together on the preceding day.
"... You describe your Carnival dissipations —
a dinner party on Jeudi Gras — I am sure it must
have been very cheerful ; a good conscience and
the company of gallant gentlemen could have no
other result. My carnival was even less brilliant
than yours, for I should have been unconscious of
the season but for hearing others speak of it, and
but for the annoyance of being waked up at night
by the sound of the revellers' carriages. To-day
I was obliged to interrupt the Lenten Fast, finding
that I had not the strength to accomplish it, and
now I have been forbidden to make the attempt
at all."
It may be well to explain here that the Lenten
Fast in Italy was exceedingly rigorous in those
days, most of the faithful taking neither bite nor
sup till three in the afternoon. The custom now
is confined chiefly to the stricter of the religious
communities, the Holy See having, in indulgence
to the exigencies of modern life, enacted that there
171
172 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
shall only be four or five such fasts in the whole
year. But abstinence is still very strictly observed
all through southern Italy. In many districts meat,
milk, eggs, and lard are banished from the tables of
the peasants from Ash Wednesday till Easter Sunday.
Cunegonda continues :
" Now I come to your letter of the 1 3th.
There is no truth in what you say about standing
idle with your hands in your pockets and not
bearing with me the burden of the trial, and I
will prove it to you, for what is the heaviest
part of this cross? It does not lie in mere
travelling and external discomforts, but in the
separation and dispersion of the family, in the
purpose of this journey, in the exile from home,
and so on ; and all this you suffer equally with
me, besides your isolation and your ignorance of
what may be happening, which presents things to
your imagination as worse than they really are ;
so you see that I am right in saying that your
part of the cross is sufficiently heavy ! I admit
that mine is not light, but I deserve worse things,
and I am sure of being effectually helped, so do
not make yourself unhappy about me ; but also
do not cease to pray fervently for me and to
recommend me to the special prayers of those
your friends and companions, including the
* Lamb,* who I hope will not refuse me this
favour for your sake. . . .
**I was sure that you would have been pleased
TOMMASO THE " VETTURINO '* 173
to hear that the good Tommaso * was destined
from the first to bring me on this journey. We
can really give him the diploma of vetturino
of Casa Patrizi, for he always appears in Rome
when we are about to travel. This time he
remained long in the city in the hope of that
which finally happened, namely, that he might
accompany, or rather, conduct me to Paris. I
must confess that it used to make me a little
angry to see him sitting in the anteroom, know-
ing that he was promising himself the pleasure of
taking me — when I had not yet decided on going
at all. I told him so afterwards, and he replied
that, on the morning of our departure, if I had
lingered but half an hour longer, he would have
got down from his horse and renounced the job
altogether, so dreadfully cruel did the separation
appear to him, so moved was he not only by our
tears but by the tears and lamentations of the
crowds that gathered on the stairs, many of them
not even members of the household.
"It is true that he charges a great deal, but he
takes the entire care for the travelling off my
mind. Before I left Rome, foreseeing that I
should make a little stay here (although I had
no idea it would have to be such a long one) I
wanted to arrange with him that he should leave
me here and go to Florence meanwhile to take
* This man was an owner and driver of posting-horses and
carriages in Rome.
174 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
advantage of any short engagements he could
procure ; but he would not consent to this, so we
agreed that, while I should stay in Siena, I was to
pay for the feeding of the mules, but no wages
either to him or the other man.
" But, from the very first day we arrived here,
he began to complain that the allowance for the
mules was insufficient, so I sent for him and told
him to reconsider my first proposition, since he
could earn nothing while waiting here, while the
mules were a sheer loss. That I would pay him
his journey back to Florence, where he must go
and work for some one else, and that as soon as
I should need him again I v/ould write to Pollastri
to send him back to me — to all of which he
consented, and it is much better so for him and
for me. . . .
" You were mistaken in your explanation of the
term, houte-feu, applied to your letters from
Civita Vecchia. They " (the police) '* called them
so because, as they declared, you roused me to
resistance, animating me to imitate your conduct,
to be courageous, and showing that you regarded
yourself as a martyr ; for all these reasons, they
said, the letters were as incendiary as the notes
you had written to the Prefect and others. . . .
** Marianna " (Altieri) " is leading in Paris a life
very diflferent from her Roman one. The Empress
Josephine, who remembers being at school in the
convent with her, overwhelms her with attentions
i&^i.
THE EMPRESS JOSEPHINE 175
and kindnesses ; she constantly has her with her at
Malmaison, and tells her to come and dine when-
ever she feels inclined. The first time Marianna
dined with her it was by formal invitation, and
Marianna says that the luxury and elegance of the
dinner surpassed all imagination, particularly in the
matters of flowers and porcelains. Afterwards there
was music, the musician Crescentini and Maestro
Pez being among the guests. In fine, Marianna
only got back to Paris after midnight ; what do you
say of it ? But I do not envy her at all."
Without feeling envy it must have been a little
depressing to the Marchesa to contrast her sister's
cheerful lot with her own rather isolated and
melancholy one at this time. The course things
were taking in Rome was not calculated to
raise her spirits. On March 2 she writes to her
husband :
** You may have heard that the " (religious) " Com-
panies and Confraternities have been ordered to
submit to the authority of the Delegates, and are
invited (!) to pay all their revenues into a public
coffer, because in this manner they will be better
administered and the cult of religion much increased.
Such are the motives furnished for this change, and
as yet no word has been spoken of pillage or of
diminishing the number of religious ceremonies —
indeed, they are to be increased ... if you can
manage to believe it ! "
A day or two later Cunegonda gives tidings of
176 THE PATRI2I MEMOIRS
some of the other children kidnapped for the famous
" Golden Levy."
" Clemente Altieri is to become a page after Easter.
Augusto is not yet sure of remaining with his
parents. Pippo Lante, also named a page, has
obtained permission to stay in Rome till he is fifteen
and a half, the age designated for entering that com-
pany. As he is scarcely twelve, he has time before
him ! Alessandro Spada decided on military rather
than civil service. Guido is already in a regiment
of hussars, and Luigi is a page."
The next letter concerns the attempts of the
authorities to gather the foremost men of Siena into
its Government as a province of France. They met
with some difficulties, and it may have been that
Giovanni Patrizi, when he read his wife's communi-
cation, was inclined to congratulate himself on his
enforced absence ; but it seems more likely, con-
sidering his fighting spirit, that he regretted losing
such an opportunity of causing trouble to the
detested usurpers.
^^ March 9, 181 2.
"... In Rome the nomination of electors,
senators, and dignitaries goes on. The retirement
of Doria and the ' Conn^table ' has been accepted,
but I fear they will not escape from having to take
the oath. Three lists have been sent to Paris : one
of those who refuse " (office) " flatly and without
giving any reasons ; one of those who have valid
reasons for their refusal ; and the third of those who
UNCOVETED HONOURS 177
have accepted. It is believed that the Duke Braschi
will be chosen by the Emperor (for supreme office)
out of the three proposed to him by the Senate ; the
other two are Chigi and Giustiniani. Six deputies
have been elected to thank His Majesty for the
honour done to Rome ; but I cannot tell you in
what the honour consists, unless it is that of having
given it this new court of electors " — here follow six
well-known names.
^^ March i6.
" Your father is apprehensive of being obliged to
take the oath, as that condition has been laid on all
those who refused to be electors ; among the rest
is C. Viscardi, who gave as excuse that he was
merely a * fils de famille ' " (without personal status,
since his father was living), " that his father was already
an official of the Government, and, finally, that he
himself had been ill in bed for three months. He
was told that his arguments were all perfectly sound
ones, but that he could quite well take the oath — in
bed !
"... The other day I had as a guest at dinner
the Abbe Nicolai of the Penitenzeria, who was
exiled from Rome to Florence after seven months'
imprisonment in Castel Sant* Angelo. . . . Please
thank in my name the ' Lamb ' for having said his
Mass for me on my feast-day. I very much appre-
ciate his kind remembrance, and tell him that I
return it as well as I can, by recommending him to
God. . . . Parisani writes me that Cristina was pay-
12
178 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
ing a visit to Montbreton " (the Director of Police)
" and that in speaking of you he remarked how well
you write, adding that at the beginning he read all
your letters, but that now he no longer does so.
But this I do not much believe.*'
In fact, the Marchese's correspondence was being
very strictly censored at this time, and even the
harmless little letters of the boys were sequestrated
as dangerous communications. Saverio, the eldest,
describes to his father with much amusement the
suspicions thus excited.
*' I wrote a little while ago to Costantino " (the
younger brother left in Rome) *' a letter in Tuscan,
with many words which are only understood here ;
but it was evidently mistaken for a dangerous snare,
and my letter was sequestrated in the post. Oh, let
them only get it interpreted and they will discover
great conspiracies ! Oh, what idiots they are ! "
Naturally the correspondence of Patrizi and his
wife could not long escape the watchfulness of the
police. In the State Archives in Paris there is a
great file of intercepted letters, police reports, secret
communications, and imperial orders which testify
most eloquently to the hatred, amounting to personal
rancour, which Napoleon at this time nourished
towards the Patrizi family. It had become an obses-
sion with him, surprising even his own subordinates
into something very like protests. From the politi-
cal point of view Giovanni and his father were the
NAPOLEON'S RANCOUR 179
most harmless of adversaries ; they did nothing to
dissuade others from obeying the Emperor's behests,
kept scrupulously apart from intrigues subversive of
his authority, and only opposed him when he tres-
passed on their indisputable private rights regarding
the education of the children, and in refusing to
enter the public services to which his gallicising
policy had, so to speak, condemned the Roman
nobility. One would have expected the Conqueror
of Europe to pass over their recalcitrance in scornful
silence — the Statesman to have avoided the mistake
of distinguishing them as martyrs to a lost and noble
cause ; but they had committed the, to him, unpardon-
able crime of proving themselves unconquerable.
This quiet, old-fashioned family had refused to be
bribed or cajoled or terrified into even superficial
submission to his will ; they had yielded to force,
and force alone, and this was an intolerable humilia-
tion to him, and one that evidently bit very deep
into his proud spirit. There remained nothing for
him to do but revenge himself, and he was by just
so much wanting in real greatness as to be unable to
do so with the laugh and the joke which would have
consigned their rebellion to obscurity. His amazing
brain found time, amid a thousand preoccupations of
world-wide importance, to invent small spites in
order to make them feel his power. He actually
gave orders that their correspondence was to pass
through his own hands. Every letter written by or
addressed to Giovanni Patrizi, the prisoner of Fene-
i8o THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
strelle, was to be sent to him so long as he should
be in France, and, in case of his absence from the
country, was to be personally examined by the Prime
Minister ; so that, sad to say, the larger part of
those letters, still hoarded in the State Archives in
Paris, never reached their destination at all.
Cunegonda's joy, therefore, at finding a safe
means of communication with her husband from
Siena was very short-lived. One can imagine how
the imperial wrath flamed out when it was dis-
covered, as before stated, that the too soft-hearted
M. Gazan of Fenestrelle was making himself and
his old friend at Siena intermediaries for the cor-
respondence of Giovanni Patrizi with his wife. The
information was conveyed to the Ministry in a long
and excited letter from Desmarets, the Agent of
Police, to the Due de Rovigo in Paris, and the
various enclosures forwarded gave but too evident
proof of poor M. Gazan *s indiscreet indulgence.
What became of M. Gazan the documents at our
disposal do not say, but his name never appears
again. M. David, the Commandant, seems to have
been reprimanded for negligence, but he retained
his position nevertheless.
It was unfortunately Giovanni himself who most
involuntarily betrayed his benefactor. A letter from
him to the Banker Rolli, in Turin, was intercepted
there by the police, and was found to contain very
questionable matter in the shape of two letters
enclosed, one written by Count Baccili, a fellow
THE POLICE CENSORSHIP i8i
prisoner at Fenestrelle, to the Bishop of Vienne
(France), and another, from Giovanni, addressed to
a certain Signora Camilla Cecchini in Siena. This
last, being opened, disclosed another letter inside
addressed to the Marchesa Patrizi, and the contents
were at once translated into French and forwarded
to Paris. Poor Giovanni writes to warn his wife
against an indiscretion which, by his own inad-
vertence, was now to prove all but fatal to their
communication with one another :
'* In your letter of January 27 there was a great
oversight which has caused me some anxiety. In
this letter, which you sent through the post, you
spoke of those which you had received through
M. Louis Custode and M. Gazan. That might
have compromised M. Gazan and the Commandant
of the Fort. As your letter had passed through
the hands of the police in Turin, I received it
opened, as my letters always are when they are
addressed directly to myself. Fortunately, it is said
that the police there " (in Turin) ^' are not over
strict. . . ."
Both husband and wife were kept carefully in
ignorance of the fact that their secret was discovered,
and they continued to write to each other without
reserve, much to the satisfaction, no doubt, of the
authorities, who were thus kept posted not only
on all their private affairs, but on their plans and
hopes for their immediate future.
The kind rigours of the winter, which had per-
i82 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
mitted Cunegonda to have some months of rest
and comparative peace among her friends at Siena,
had passed away, and the lovely Tuscan spring that
called the almond-trees into blossom and the larks
into song, sounded for her the hour when she
must resume her sad journey to France. There
was no further valid excuse for delay, and on
April 3 she wrote, as she fondly believed for
Giovanni's eyes alone, the following letter :
"... I cannot tell you the precise day of my
departure, for I have not decided on it yet ; it
depends on the letter from Florence " (presumably
concerning the Vetturino Tommaso) " which I
expect on Sunday. Naturally I shall be moving
from here towards the 15th.
" On Sunday I am invited to dinner at Casa
Chigi, to see afterwards the grand procession of
which I told you in my last. The Marchesa had
invited me as soon as I arrived in Siena, and both
she and the Cardinal have done so repeatedly since
then, but I always refused on the grounds of my
health, and also because, as I was here in a kind
of incognito, I did not wish to appear in the great
world ; but now that I am on the point of leaving
I will not refuse " (the Marchesa Chigi), *' and I
foresee that I shall also have to accept an invitation
from the Cardinal.
" The Prefect left for Grosseto the day before
yesterday, to receive the Grand Duchess " (of Tus-
cany, Elisa Baciocchi, Napoleon's sister), ** who was
PREPARING TO LEAVE SIENA 183
expected here in a few days, but she has changed
her mind and is, instead, returning to Lucca and
Piombino by the same road ; it is said that this is
in order to avoid finding herself in Tuscany for the
execution of the terrible decree of conscription, of
which you will certainly have read in the ' Gazette.'
In Rome this Decree produced the greatest conster-
nation, drafting away seven hundred out of eight
hundred young men in the First Department alone.
" In order to make sure that I shall have news of
you on my way, you might begin by sending me
a letter to Milan, addressed to Sigra. Marianna
Baccani " (this was Cunegonda's maid), " Poste
Restante ; I cannot tell you about other cities. I
shall certainly find something from you at Turin,
but meanwhile send me yet a line here addressed to
Rosini. . . ."
The Marchesa's departure, however, was yet
further delayed by the non-appearance of the
Vetturino, the trusty Tommaso. He had under-
taken to convey some travellers to Vienna, and
Cunegonda entirely refused to let any one else
conduct her over this part of her journey ; so she
waited on in Siena, expecting his return from day
to day. On April 13 she finds time to discourse
about the little boy left at home with his grand-
parents.
" You are quite right in saying that Costantino
is very fortunate in having a grandmother who
is so careful and so loving, and I confess that if
i84 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
I had not been able to leave him in such safe hands
I could never have consented to the separation at
all. But my conviction that your mother and father
will not alter in any way the system already adopted,
sets my mind at rest, although I am so far from
my child. You will have received by this time
Costantino's French letter on the subject of which
he reproached me, in another which he wrote,
because I had not gratified your desire to peruse
that chef d'osuvre ! I replied to him that you
had asked me to copy out the most beautiful parts
of it for your benefit, but that I was embarrassed
as to the choice, and, in order not to defraud
you of his finest efforts, I had resolved to send it
on to you entire.
" .... I am sorry you should have taken so
much to heart what I said about my headache. . . .
you know that is my inseparable companion, and
really the present circumstances are not exactly
remedies for the trouble, but God gives me strength
not to be cast down by it, and I only speak of it
when it becomes more acute. . . . The order of
sequestration has not been rescinded in Rome, but
we have good hopes " (that it will be) *' and there is
an order exempting the tenants at Bracciano from
paying the quarterns rent.
"Siena, April I'c^ih, 1812.
" . . . . The four sons of Oligiati have been
ordered to leave " (for France), " and as their father
CUNEGONDA AND HER BOYS 185
cannot afford the expense of the journey the
Government will pay for it. Pippo Lante, who
had been assured that he might stay with his
mother till he should be fifteen, and then was to
enter as a page, has now been ordered to La Fleche
to remain there until he reaches the required age.
These are the last news from Rome. The Senator
Orville has arrived in Rome to take up his senator-
ship, which brings him in ninety thousand francs a
year paid out of the revenues of the Roman States ;
but the office confers on him no authority whatever.
He is staying at the French Embassy, and will remain
for three or four months. . . ."
In another letter Cunegonda says : " I have read
to Pippo the extract about his birthday ; may God
fulfil your and my desires for the child, desires
which only point, so far as this world goes, to see
my sons true Christians ; the two eldest already
begin to give us great comfort, being most ex-
cellently inclined ; and I trust the third will not
disappoint our hopes. It seems to me that I, on
my part, am neglecting no means of having him turn
out as we desire ; may the Lord cause my care to
bear good fruit !
"... My sister Altieri wrote to my mother-in-
law that the Minister had told her very distinctly
that there is no hope of having the order of seques-
tration removed until the boys shall have reached
Paris. Behold how many good things I am to
i86 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
obtain in that place ! First, your liberation ; second,
the removal of the sequestration ; third, that which
most interests us " (that the children might remain
with their mother) ; " fourth, the restoration of
my father*s property " (confiscated at the time of
the Revolution) ; " and so forth and so on. The
flattering hopes held out to me of obtaining all these
things are really marvellous ! It appears that 1
shall have but to open my mouth and ask — and all
will be granted ! Were that so we might indeed
talk about miracles !
•' Siena, May isf, 1812.
** King Murat came through here quite suddenly
on Tuesday. I think I told you that he was
expected some days ago. At least he dashed
through, at full gallop, in a little carriage with
eight horses. Everybody is talking — and each gives
his own views of the incident. The deputies from
Rome chosen to go and thank the Emperor (I have
no idea what for) have been ordered to leave in
twenty-four hours, as His Majesty will receive them
at St. Cloud on the 7th. I do not know whether
they will get there in time.
*'The Mayor" (of Rome) "and his Councillors have
resigned because Montbreton " (the actual Prefect)
" mixed himself up in business which was purely their
concern. He refused to accept their resignations,
and it was hoped things could be arranged amicably
in a private conference."
THE ARCHBISHOP ZONDADARI 187
Saverio adds a postscript to his mother's letter :
"Dearest Papa mine, We began to-day with
Mamma the month of Mary, and I will also begin
a Novena which says at the beginning, ' A prayer
for obtaining any kind of grace,' and I want to see
if it says the Holy Truth. ..."
On May 6, Cunegonda, still detained in Siena by
the non-arrival of Tommaso, writes to her husband :
" I went yesterday to pay a visit to the Cardinal "
(Zondadari, the Archbishop whom Giovanni had
seen for a moment when he was on the point of
leaving Siena) " at Murlo, fourteen miles from here.
The expedition was most successful, and His
Eminence, to whom it came as a complete surprise,
was delighted. Casa Chigi was also there, all but
the Commendatore. The boys enjoyed the outing
immensely. ... I wished to pay this visit to the
Cardinal to show him my gratitude for all the
kindness he has extended to me during my stay
here. . . »
" To-morrow there will defile into Rome the
twelve thousand men from Naples who are to be
passed on into the Grand Army. This makes the
politicians think that, as was reported, Naples is to
become a part of the Empire, and that Murat will
not return there."
''MayiZth.
" I was arranging to leave on Tuesday the I2th
so as to reach Florence on the 1 3th, and 1 think
of doing it all in one journey. ... I was finally
l88 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
induced to start by a message which the Marchese
Chigi conveyed to me from the Prefect " (of Siena),
" who said that he feared, if I lingered longer, he
might get some stringent orders from Paris, and
might even be instructed to take the boys away
from me. You see that prudence required that
I should take note of this warning, and in fact,
a few days after receiving it, I went to pay him my
first visit, which also had to serve as farewell. He
is a good old man, incapable of injuring any one,
and he does kindnesses whenever and however he
can — as was proved by the affair of the sequestra-
tion " — (it seems that the Prefect had made an
attempt to have the Patrizi property in Siena
exempted from that order) — " although he has every
right to be rather annoyed with me, as until now
I have never given him a sign of life 1 '*
Saverio adds :
** Dearest Papa mine, —
"... Too clearly 1 see that we must leave
this amiable town, but God's will be done. Who
knows ? We have not gone yet ; perhaps the mules
will break their legs, or something else happen.
Well, whatever happens will be for our good. . . .
So be it, so be it, verily so be it."
Cunegonda, on the nth, explains that she is still
detained. Tommaso has not turned up, and the
mules, which apparently were out at grass in the
WAITING FOR TOMMASO 189
neighbouring country, have not been sent in as
she expected, so a few days more must pass before
she can get off. The poor lady had managed to
get the whooping-cough, and the children had caught
it from her. " But now," she says, '' we have all
recovered, so do not be anxious about us ; the
journey will not hurt us. Indeed, I am a little
afraid we shall feel the heat, for it has been very
oppressive for the last few days, and in the mountains
near Bologna we shall get the full force of the sun.
Patience ! First I was afraid of the cold, now of
the heat ; and when I left Rome that was the last
thing from which I expected to suffer in this journey.
Who knows ? ' The hand of God is not shortened * ;
and I did not put that in Latin, for fear you would
make fun of me.
"... To-morrow I must write to Rome to let
them know of this last delay, and I am sorry to
have to do so, as they are anxious to know that I
have started, fearing always some new hostility ; but
to you I give the news with pleasure, knowing that
you will be glad, although you are the person most
interested/'
"Siena, May 20.
" We have decided to leave, certainly, on the
27th. . . . Great numbers of troops are passing
here. Of the twelve thousand ordered from Naples,
twelve hundred came through the day before yester-
day, and the same number is expected to-day. They
come every other day ; but I am told that, instead
190 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
of fresh men, it is the same column that has already
passed, which we shall see to-day going the other
way, a galloper having been sent to tell them to
turn round and get back to Naples. I cannot even
imagine the reasons for all this, but it is accepted
as certain. To-day we shall find out the truth."
"May 25.
" Our departure is still fixed for the day after
to-morrow, but I must write you a few lines.
*' . . . The passage of the troops still continues . . .
only the first detachment was ordered back to Naples.
The rest continue to come, about two thousand
every two days, and the men parade in the Piazza,
making really a very fine spectacle. But at night
it is dreadful. There is no possibility of sleep ;
they begin beating the drums at one or half-past
to call the soldiers together again in the Piazza,
and they do not get away until ^vq. Imagine how
pleasant for us ! Yesterday there were many negroes
among them, and they look hideous in uniform.
This business is to go on until the 5th of June."
The long-delayed and dreaded departure from
Siena took place according to schedule, Saverio*s
prayers and his hopes of a happy accident remaining
unfulfilled for the moment. On June i Cunegonda
writes to her husband, in deep depression, from
Bologna :
"... At last, to my intense regret, I must change
CUNEGONDA LEAVES SIENA 191
the heading of my letters. You can imagine how
I grieved at leaving Siena, where for five months
I enjoyed a tranquillity that must be discounted
now. Before I left I received your letter of the
nth" (of April), "and I was amazed to find that
I had told you I felt more full of strength and
courage than usual. It must have been true at the
moment, but the scene changed afterwards, and I
cannot possibly describe to you the trouble, the
sorrow, the apprehensions, and so forth, by which
I am surrounded now. I have suffered in these
days all that it is possible to suffer physically and
morally ; the burden of this journey makes itself
felt more and more. ...
" You tell me to write in French if that is easier
for me, but 1 assure you that I write quite as easily
in Italian. Perhaps I make absurd mistakes, but
you will be indulgent about them."
After this protest, Cunegonda suddenly begins
a sentence in French, the language of her childhood —
and always of her heart — pulls herself up and goes
on in sober Italian to describe the first stage of
her journey, a long one, for the party left Siena at
a quarter to seven in the morning and did not
reach Florence till ten that night.
*' There," she says, " we stayed over Thursday,
the Feast of Corpus Domini . . . and I had a visit
from the Prince and Princess of Palestrina and
their sons, as well as Don Orazio Borghese.
** On arriving in Florence we went to the
192 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
* Pelicano/ which I think was the inn you spoke
of to me; but it was quite full, so I went to the
' Four Nations,* where I was very well satisfied, and
where even the hotel-keepers showed the interest
they felt for us, assuring me, with tears in their
eyes, that they would certainly not take advantage
of my circumstances ; and indeed they charged me
much less than they are accustomed to do.
'* . . . The next morning we started off again,
halted at * Le Maschere,' and slept at beautiful
Covigliano. ... On Saturday at nightfall we reached
this place. Immediately Benedetto and Clementino
Spada came to see me, having come expressly from
twelve miles away in the country, where Clementino
is in villeggiatura with his wife ; I shall see the
villa when I pass."
Bologna was full of friends and relations who
vied with each other in showing their affection and
sympathy for the travellers in this time of trouble.
Clementino Spada insisted on having the whole
party stay at his house in the town, and poor
Cunegonda was already so worn out that she
decided to rest there for a few days before going
farther. The physical repose, however, seems to
have in no way lightened the heavy weight that
lay at her heart ; on June 1 1 she writes :
" What I have become, Giovanni mine ! I can
truly say that I am a reed shaken in the wind,
for every moment some new fear takes possession
of me ; the only thing that consoles and reassures
THE FATIGUE OF TRAVEL 193
me a little is that when I am most troubled is
the time when I turn with most faith to prayer.
*' . . . Yesterday the ex-Court of Spain * arrived
here and was to go on to-day. They have to move
in instalments, as they require sixty-nine horses,
and could never find them if the whole company
travelled together ! "
The next little note is written somewhere between
Modena and Saliceta, on June 17. The heat was
becoming overwhelming.
*' I cannot describe to you/' Cunegonda says,
" what I am suffering from heat and the fatigue
of the journey. ... I have to stop constantly to
rest. 1 propose to do so in Milan, and I am sure
you will approve. It is no exaggeration to say that
I have not strength to do anything else. Oh, if
I knew how to accept all this, how much of my
purgatory could I be sparing myself ! "
* Charles IV of Spain travelling to Rome with his Court. He
remained there for some time.
13
CHAPTER IX
Milan was reached on June 20, and the next day
the Marchesa wrote to her husband :
" I left Modena, or rather Saliceta, on Thursday.
The Marchisios, husband and wife " (friends with
whom she had stayed near Modena), '' did everything
they could to show their cordial affection. On
Friday we dined at Piacenza and slept at Lodi,
and yesterday morning at half-past ten we arrived
here. I am lodging at the Hotel Imperial, an
excellent inn in a quiet situation, where I found
both the Bailli Ruspoli and Cardinal Albani. . . .
Monsignor Odescalchi and Count Francesco Scotti
came to see me and send you many greetings.
"I forgot to tell you in my last letter that at
Bologna I had to part with Tommaso and take
to the post. His demands became so outrageous
that I could not consent to them. I am quite
satisfied with the new arrangement, as the roads
as far as Turin are splendid ; at Turin I must
consider again what I had better do.
"... I should be telling you an untruth if I
were to say that my health is good, and you would
perhaps not believe it ; may the Lord help me to
194
in 2<
"^ 2o
-J — -g
< :
o <»
5q-
^s
CUNEGONDA AT MILAN 195
bear the fatigues and mental sufferings I sustain,
and I hope He will accept them in place of that
which we fear, a hope that inspires me to bear
them willingly. ... I cannot say when I shall
leave Milan. . . . Unless I rest now, there will be
nothing to send to Paris except my bones ! "
"/««(?225th, 1812.
''I am pleased to hear that you are occupying
yourself in studying Spanish. I held up your
example to Pippo, showing him how happy are
those who love to be occupied, and how bad idleness
is for the soul and the body. Why do you doubt
that I shall obtain the happiness of seeing you
again ? I, on my part, promise it to myself ; and
of how many things we shall have to tell one
another ! You say that you wish me to be cheerful.
... This I cannot promise ; one thing alone can
restore cheerfulness to me, and you know what
that is ; I shall rejoice to see you in good health,
and for that I am thanking God now — that, to so
many sorrows, is not added the one of knowing
you to be suffering physically. I hope you will
experience the same about the boys ; the quiet
life and the good air of Siena caused them to
flourish again (after their slight illness) in a way
that amazed me. . . . Like you, the benedictions
I ask for our children are all celestial ones, for I
cannot bring myself to ask for them the goods of
this world."
196 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
The Marchesa was at this time ardently nourishing
the hope that she would be permitted to visit her
husband in prison on her way north from Turin,
a hope which he, sadly wise, dared not entertain.
On June 28 Cunegonda apprises him of the coming
of some new comrades in misfortune to Fenestrelle.
** I hear that the brigade in your hermitage is
very soon to be increased. This morning I was
given the names of the Abb6s Guidi and Caprani,
both of the Roman College ; and there may be
others coming to you. I had been told the
two Canons Fratini were condemned to Corsica,
but there are already so many prisoners in that
island . . . that Corsica can maintain no more."
At last Cunegonda accomplished the journey, to
Turin, where she hoped to obtain permission for
her visit to Giovanni. On July 6 she writes :
" I got here on Thursday evening, and am
stopping at this inn of ' The Red Bull.' The
journey from Milan was quite a fortunate one,
thank God ; the heat was not oppressive, and here
it is almost cold. . . . You exhort me to be
courageous, and I will try to obey you, knowing
what great need I have of courage even to keep
up physically, for I have periods of such exhaustion,
not only of spirit, but of body, that, were they
to last any time, I should succumb completely,
and those are not moments when moral reflections
are of any assistance. There is nothing to do but
wait till the paroxysm has passed ; but I do not
AT TURIN 197
wish you to be troubled about this. God, who has
helped me so far, will certainly continue to help
me ; only ask Him to give me all the faith I ought
to have in His goodness."
" Here I shall be obliged to go out more
than I did in Milan, for we have an apartment
so small and restricted that I cannot turn round
in my room, which is also the family sitting-room,
dining-room, study, and so forth. Luckily for
me, the weather is not warm. We often say that
we should be profoundly grateful if you would
engage an apartment in your cloister for me and
my whole party."
As soon as she reached Turin Cunegonda began
to make every effort to obtain permission for her-
self and the boys to visit Giovanni at Fenestrelle.
On July 8, by the hands of the Marchesc
d' Azeglio, she sent her husband a long letter
describing her many futile errands and expeditions,
for, as she said, " They send me from Herod
to Pilate " (still the Italian synonym for our
phrase ' From pillar to post '). The Commandant
of Fenestrelle, who happened to be in Turin at
the moment, received her courteously, listened
with gratification to the warm thanks she offered
him for his many kindnesses to the beloved
prisoner, but told her that it was not in his
power to grant her permission to visit her husband
in the fort. The Director-General of Police,
Danzer, only went so far as to advise her to
198 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
apply to Don Camillo Borghese, the Governor of
Turin ; and she tells Giovanni that she has tried
this last resort, and is awaiting the answer with
feverish impatience.
Here is her letter to Don Camillo — and how
bitterly it must have gone against her proud
heart to have to write it ! —
" MONSEIGNEUR,
" After being separated for more than
seven months from my husband, and finding
myself now so near him, I have taken all the
steps which appeared necessary to obtain the
ardently desired permission to see and embrace
him for a moment before continuing my journey
to Paris ; but, contrary to my expectation, I have
encountered many obstacles, and am told that
without the express permission of Your Imperial
Highness " (to such rank had a Borghese at-
tained by becoming the Emperor's brother-in-
law !) "it is impossible that my request should
be granted.
" I therefore venture to address Your Highness
directly to implore you not to refuse me the
favour that, after such a long separation, I and
my children may have the joy of seeing and
embracing a tenderly loved husband and father.
Your Imperial Highness's good heart and humane
feeling will, I am sure, induce you to give the
favourable reply which we await and desire with
DON CAMILLO BORGHESE 199
the most eager impatience. I am, Monseigneur,
with the most profound respect,
"Etc., etc.,
" CUNEGONDA OF SaXONY PaTRIZI."
His Imperial Highness, Don Camillo Borghese,
had not the least idea of offending his all-powerful
brother-in-law by acceding to the poor wife's re-
quest. To favour a Patrizi would have been to incur
Napoleon*s certain displeasure, and Cunegonda's
heart-broken entreaty received this curt answer :
" Madame,
*' I will not lose a moment in answering the
letter which you took the trouble to write me
to-day ; I should do so with much more pleasure
if 1 could grant what you ask. I advise you to
get to Paris as quickly as you can and there ask
permission from the Minister of Police to visit
your husband on your return journey. I do not
imagine that you will then have any difficulty.
*' Pray accept the assurance of my esteem and
high consideration.
" Camillo."
This letter was a double-edged sword to Cune-
gonda's hopes ; not only was she forbidden to see
her husband, but it showed that the enforced sacrifice
of the children would not, as she had hitherto
believed, procure their father's liberation. She broke
down completely under the disappointment, and had
200 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
to stay several days in Turin before she could find
strength to resume her journey.
Meanwhile, at Fenestrelle, her husband was the
victim of similarly deluded hopes. " On the 9th of
July," he writes in his journal, " by some extra-
ordinary and incomprehensible combinations, my
hopes '* — of seeing his family — ** suddenly became
almost certainties. I was shut up in my room
towards four in the afternoon when there came a
knocking at the door. I opened it to find some of
my companions in captivity, one of whom declared
to me, on the assertions of two others, that my wife
was just about to arrive at the fort. Those others
told me that, with the aid of a small opera-glass, they
had discerned on the road leading hither a tall, well-
dressed woman with two boys, accompanied by other
persons, one of whom looked like a servant, as he
kept some paces behind ; the party were on foot,
and kept constantly turning to look at the fort. My
friends reminded me that the road was new, and still
unfinished, which would explain why the strangers
had had to leave their carriage and approach on foot.
"All these details made the thing appear so probable
that they blinded me for the moment to its greater
improbability. I flew down to the lower bastions to
look closer at the road which skirts the Mosino fort,
and on which I was told the travellers must very
shortly appear. I saw indeed some persons moving
on the road, but at that distance could not make out
whether they were men or women, big or small, and
PATRIZrS DISAPPOINTMENT 201
all the time heart was beating wildly, I thinking they
might be those tenderly loved beings ! . . . Alas,
they were only gendarmes, as some who had seen
them more clearly than I explained to me. . . . Oh 1
the terrible disappointment ! I stayed there, gazing
out for a little while ; then, when no one appeared, I
realised that the kindness of my friends, and their
desire that I should have this consolation, had com-
pletely misled them.
" I did not, however, lose all hope of that dear
visit ; on the contrary, I expected it hourly until the
arrival here, on the loth, of the good Marchese
Taparelli d' Azeglio of Turin, who had come here
to visit two friends of his and fellow-prisoners of
mine, Mancini and Berrera, Canons of the Cathedral
of Florence. Then all my hopes were dashed, for
the said Marchese, while bringing me the last news as
well as the letters of my most beloved wife, of my
dearest children, and of that incomparable friend,
Giustiniani, told me that, in spite of every effort, of
every possible means employed both with the police
of Turin and the Governor (Borghese), my wife had
been unable to procure the desired permission.
" I cannot deny that this was a blow which I felt
very deeply, but I adored the dispensations of our
good God, who had refused me the consolation in
order to spare me the pain of the parting which must
have followed it, and which would indeed have been
greater than the consolation itself.
" The never sufficiently to be praised Marchese
202 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
d'Azcglio, a man estimable in every way, but most
singularly so for his intrepid religious spirit, shortened
his visit here and renounced the pleasure of being
with his friends in order to hasten back to Turin
and give my wife all the news about me, and the
letters I entrusted him with, before her departure,
which finally took place on the 15th of July."
On the 9th, after receiving Camillo Borghese's
refusal of her request, Cunegonda had written : '' I
am only forty-five miles from you, and I must go on
without seeing you ! I never expected this I Good-
bye, my dear Giovanni — until now every step brought
me nearer to you ; henceforth each one will take me
further away. Lord, give me strength, courage,
constancy, and patience ! "
On the 1 9th she wrote from Chamb^ry :
** I was hoping to find a letter from you here ; but,
so far, it has not come. You will have heard of my
departure ; what I felt at coming away without
seeing you God only knows. All through Wednes-
day I kept gazing at the mountains until we reached
Susa, hoping to distinguish the spot you inhabit,
although I was told that one could not see it from
the road. But I seemed to remember that, when
I came to Italy, some one had pointed it out to
me from a distance. At Susa I learnt that I was
only five miles away from you 1 Oh, how gladly
would I have gone over them — but to what pur-
pose ? The best thing is to be resigned, and to
hope that God has only deprived me of this one
SUSA. THE ANCIENT GATEWAY.
Photo Alinari, Rome.
FROM TURIN TO CHAMBERY 203
consolation in order to give me many others all
together. The journey from Turin here was, thank
God, very fortunate. The first day, Wednesday,
we slept at Susa ; on Thursday we travelled over
the Mont Cenis, in such cold that, as soon as we
reached the Grand Cross which stands at the summit
of the Pass, I had a great fire made, as we were
all frozen. After dinner I went on foot to the
Hospice of the Cistercians, and there the good
Fathers wanted me to stay the night, which I
should have been glad to do, for the apartment they
offered me was so elegant that one could find
nothing better in Paris. I saw the room where the
Holy Father lately spent three or four days, and
where they feared he would expire ; but, thank
God, his health improved during the hurried
journey, and the surgeon of the monks, who ac-
companied him as far as Fontainebleau, has already
returned, having left him quite well. When I had
seen all, and heard all, I had a cup of coffee and
took the road to Lans-le-Bourg, where I slept that
night. On Friday we got to St. Jean de Maurienne,
and yesterday, after a long and tiring day, we reached
this place, where I shall rest and wait for the answer
from my sister " (Princess Altieri, in Paris) '' to
the petition which I have asked her to get strongly
supported for me — with what result we shall see. I
imagine it will have the same fate as all my former
ones."
Here we must insert an extract from little Filippo's
204 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
faithful journal of his travels, which, as the compiler
of the Memoirs remarks, is not without interest
for his descendants, who to-day cross the Alps in
automobiles, and to-morrow may be flying over them
in aeroplanes !
" From Susa to Lans-le-Bourg :
" This morning, July 1 6, we left Susa at about
six o'clock, and as soon as we were out of Susa
began the ascent of Mont Cenis, one of the highest
mountains in the Alps. Three years ago people
passed over it in winter on sledges, and in summer
on horseback or in sedan-chairs, on account of the
very bad and very steep road there was ; but now
one can go most comfortably in the carriage over the
new road just finished, which is really beautiful and
broad. . . . On this mountain there are twenty-six
little houses where people live to help travellers in
case of necessity ; these houses are at small distances
from one another. In one place on this mountain,
as rocks often fall on the road, they pierced a tunnel
through the rocks, so that one passes very well. . . .
The road is not very steep. At half-past four we
reached the Great Cross, an inn on the top of Mont
Cenis, and so named because, when in the winter the
road is all covered with snow, there is danger that
people will fall over the precipice, and so there are
crosses to let them know the way, even when it is
all under the snow ; and the biggest of these crosses
is at this inn, and it is the first, and the others follow
all the way down to Ramace.
PIPPO'S DIARY 205
** A little while after leaving the inn one begins
to go down the mountain, and there is an inn
called the * Ram ace ' " — a zig-zag path — " because
when people came by the old track on sledges it
was here that the mule which had pulled the
stranger from the Novalese so far, was left, and
then they did the rest of the way with the sledge
sliding down over the ice."
One sees from Pippo*s careful account how it
all must have impressed the Roman children, to
whom ice and snow had been so far mere geo-
graphical fairy tales !
The Marchesa remained at Chambery until
August 5, waiting in vain for letters from Paris,
and much incensed at the outrageous delays imposed
on those which her husband sent from Fenestrelle.
On July 24 she had written :
" I received your two letters dated the loth and
15th, and this morning the one of the 17th ; the
two first were folded one within the other " (this
was before the days of envelopes), ** and the inside
one was addressed to me in Turin, the other to
Chambery, which made it quite clear that they had
been opened and read. I cannot understand how,
after seven months, these gentlemen of the police
can still find amusement in this useless reading of
our letters, of which they have not yet tired !
They ought to know them fairly by heart by this
time, for almost the same things are said in them
all. You see that even yours of the 17th has been
206 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
long kept back, for it seems impossible that it
should have taken seven days to reach here from
Fenestrelle. ... I see you have had all the
accounts of our journey to Chamb^ry, where be
sure I am leading a life more solitary than yours
over there. I do not know a single soul. In the
morning, at six, I go to church with the Cavaliere "
— Don Lorenzo — "then we return, and have breakfast
at half-past eight. At nine the boys sit down to
their lessons, and at eleven we go out to Mass,
and after that we take a walk. . . . Dinner is at
two, and after that the Cavaliere has his nap. At
five the boys study again ; and after six we all say
the Rosary together, and then comes another walk.
For the most part I let the Cavaliere take the boys,
and I stay quietly at home. They come back after
eight, supper is at nine, and by half-past ten we
are all in bed. The life is much the same as we
have led ever since we left Rome. Good-bye, my
Giovanni. Courage ! "
CHAPTER X
The Marchese Patrizi was badly versed in the
ways of duplicity and intrigue. While his wife
was still hoping to obtain his immediate 'liberation,
a letter which he had written to her in May, openly
mentioning the names of friends who facilitated the
correspondence, had found its way into the Em-
peror's hands, and had roused him to such wrath
that he resolved to make Giovanni's punishment
more severe than ever. It had been forwarded to
Paris in a French translation with this information
on the margin : '' This letter, written in Italian,
was enclosed in one addressed to M. Le Comte
Francois Scotti at Milan, which was itself put into
the post at Pignerolle."
*^ The Marquis Jean Patrizi to Madame his wife
in Milan.
" Fenestrelle, May 21, 1812.
** After having sent you a very long letter yester-
day by the ordinary way ... I now address this
one by the surer means which you requested, by
the good Count Scotti.
" My object this time is to make some observa-
207
2o8 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
tions about the renewed supplications which you pro-
pose, while in Milan, to make through your sister."
(The translator here explains, for the Emperor's benefit,
that these referred to the Marchesa Patrizi's hope
that her husband would be set at liberty in order
to accompany her and the children for the remainder
of the journey to Paris.) ** In the first place, I
wish that such requests should be made solely in
your name, for 1 would fear that, if mine were
appended to them, it might be supposed that I am
tired of my present position ; the God Who com-
mands us to be humble forbids us to degrade
ourselves, and a base action now would injure the
cause for which 1 have thought it my duty to
affrpnt any and every vicissitude. Therefore, if
you are really resolved to take this step, let it
be absolutely in your own name ; you could even
tell your sister that you are only induced to do so
in order to have the pleasure of my companion-
ship on the journey, and not because you imagine
/ wish to come out of prison to travel on my own
account. You can tell her this in all good faith,
for to tell the truth I do not in the least wish to
see Paris, and would never have thought of pro-
posing such a thing, except for the sake of sharing
with you the many tribulations which you must
doubtless encounter. Make your sister clearly
understand that I do not propose to buy this favour
by any yielding whatever (on the point of the
removal of the children), and suggest, if that ques-
AN INTERCEPTED LETTER 209
tion is put to her, to reply that you have not
authorised her to accept any conditions, but merely
to present the request. The conditions in question
might be that you were to say precisely on what
day you would be in Paris, that you would present
the children (at La Fl^che), and other things of
the kind which must not be promised, for all sorts
of good reasons. I foresee, in any case, that nothing
will be obtained, given the absence of the Emperor,
and if you are also convinced of its uselessness do
not take the step at all. Do not think that because
I write you all this now, I regret having suggested
the idea. ... I was only wishing to do what would
be most agreeable to you. Consult with your
good friend, whom I greet affectionately, for I am
ready to do whatever you and he think right, even
as a child submits to his father and mother.
"As the result of something that has happened
in this place our walks " (about the fort) ** have been
much restricted for the last few days, and are now
confined entirely to the courtyard. Nothing remains
but to forbid us to go out of doors at all. But
I must say that our good Commandant does not
do all this from unkindness or caprice ; and I
think he takes it more to heart than we do, for,
personally, I am utterly indifferent."
The letter is taken up again the next day :
** I have had a letter from my father, which
caused me the greatest pleasure in every way.
H
210 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
They say here that the Roman priests who are at
PigneroUe are going to be summoned once more
to take the oath, and they are threatened, if they
refuse, with confiscation of all their goods and
exile beyond the confines of the Empire. I fear
this measure will be extended to those in other
places.
'' The * Lamb * " (a note on the margin explains
to the French authorities that this is the name
by which Cardinal Pacca was always designated in
the correspondence of the various prisoners) " and
all the others here send you many greetings."
On a scrap enclosed and marked * Post Scriptum,'
Giovanni writes :
" I forgot to tell you not to mention this letter
when writing. . . . To let me know you have
received it merely say, ' Count Francesco Scotti
salutes you.' "
On the margin is another note of the translator-
censor. *' In writing to M. Scotti (enclosing the
above) M. Patrizi says, * Please do not acknowledge
the receipt of this, as it has not passed by the
ordinary channels, and I should be sorry to have
it known that I have written to you. I am telling
my wife how to let me know that she has re-
ceived it.'"
Various letters of Giovanni and Cunegonda had
already found their way into the Emperor's hands,
and had irritated him so furiously that he gave
orders to the Due de Rovigo that a means must be
THE CHATEAU D'lF 211
found immediately and once for all to put a stop
to their clandestine correspondence.
Giovanni's phrase, "The God who bids us be
humble forbids us to degrade ourselves," had struck
his unacknowledged readers with something like
panic. A prisoner who nourished such sentiments
was evidently a dangerous person, not to be subdued
by ordinary methods. Only some very strict enact-
ment could reduce such a one to silence.
The facilities were all at hand. There arises
from the Mediterranean, just in front of Marseilles,
a sharp crag crowned with a fortress — the Chateau
dTf, famous in history and romance, defending the
port and providing a dungeon from which evasion
is well-nigh impossible — who, indeed, has not
gasped over the miraculous escape of Monte Cristo ?
This was the fortress in which the dangerous
criminal, Patrizi, was now to be immured. Here is
the order from the Due de Rovigo, written evidently
with some irritation, for his removal from Fenes-
trelle. The prisoner's title is not mentioned. He
has become plain ^ Mr.'
'*/uly, 18 1 2.
" To the Director-General of Police of the
Transalpine Departments.
"I have decided, sir, that the Sieur Patrizi shall
be removed from the castle of Fenestrelle where he
is now detained ; the object of this step is to put
a stop to the correspondence which the prisoner has
212 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
never ceased to keep up and which my orders to
that efFect have been insufficient to prevent.
** I send you herewith the order of the Com-
mandant to hold this prisoner at your disposal.
I beg that you will take the necessary measures for
his safe conveyance to Marseilles. On his arrival
at that city he is to be delivered to the Commissary-
General of Police, to whom I have given instruc-
tions as to the ultimate destination of the Sieur
Patrizi.
** You will render me an account of the result of
your care for the execution of this order.
" I am, sir,
" Etc., etc."
The final instructions were these :
•• Paris, /«^ i8, 1812.
** The Due de Rovigo to the Commissioner of
the Chateau d'lf:
" I notify you, sir, that the Commissary-General
of Police at Marseilles is charged to bring to the
fort which you command the Sieur Jean Patrizi ;
you are to receive him and register him on the
books of the prison according to the order of
imprisonment which will be remitted to you. It
will be necessary for you to superintend very care-
fully the correspondence of this prisoner ; you must
send to me all the letters which he writes, and all
those which come addressed to him."
THE DIRECTOR-GENERAL'S PROTEST 213
The same notification was posted the same day to
the Commissary-General of Police in Marseilles. It
ends with instructions to inform the Duke at once
of the arrival of the prisoner and of his transfer to
the Chateau dTf
The sharp reprimand contained in Rovigo's letter
to the Director-General of the Transalpine Depart-
ments called forth an indignant protest from that
functionary :
** Monseigneur," he writes from Turin on July 24,
" in conformity with the orders Your Excellency
condescended to lay upon me ... I have made
arrangements to have the Sieur Patrizi removed
from the Castle of Fenestrelle, where he is at present
detained. He will be conveyed to Turin with an
escort, and I will see that the same care be taken to
bring him to Marseilles and place him at the
disposal of the Commissary-General of that city,
who, as Your Excellency informs me, has received
your instructions as to his ultimate destination.
*'Your Excellency tells me that this step is taken
to put a stop to the correspondence maintained
by this prisoner. May I be permitted, Mon-
seigneur, to submit to you a few remarks on this
subject ^ Until now, prisoners not sentenced to
solitary confinement have had permission to write
letters ; this was the custom before Fenestrelle came
under my superintendence, and I always rendered
account of it and of the precautions which I took to
prevent its entailing any abuses.
214 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
** I charged the Commandant of the fort to have
brought to him, and to read, himself, all the letters
written or received by the prisoners who were not
sentenced to isolation and only to permit the passage
of those which treated of purely personal matters,
and to send to me, on the other hand, all communi-
cations which touched on politics or contained matter
requiring consideration.
" As for the prisoners of State under sentence
of secrecy (complete isolation) the commandant
was instructed to send me all the letters they
wrote or received, for my personal examination.
" For some time past I had included the Sieur
Patrizi in this special order, although he was not
under sentence of secrecy, because Your Excellency
had instructed me to exercise particular watch over
him.
** Mme Patrizi, his wife, passed through Turin
on her way to Paris a few days ago, and asked
my permission to pay her husband a visit at
Fenestrelle. ... I refused unconditionally. She
then addressed herself to H.I.H. the Prince
Governor-General, who, having done me the honour
to consult me, also refused her request ; she then
continued her journey to Paris.
" Nevertheless, in spite of all the precautions I
take, it is possible that some letters escape all our
watchfulness ; this is due to the locality of this
state prison. It was one of the most pressing
reasons why, last year, I begged you to permit all
THE DIRECTOR-GENERAL'S PROTEST 215
the prisoners to be lodged in Fort Mosin. In
truth, the building where they are now housed
cannot be closed to the military agents who have
to visit their stores — a state of things which makes
it necessary for many persons from outside to enter
the prison. It is impossible to make sure that some
one of them, tempted by bribes, does not make
himself the carrier of secret letters. On the other
hand, when all the repairs at Fort Mosin are com-
pleted and the prisoners can be kept there all
together, they will have no chance of communicating
with any one except the turnkey and the guard,
which will render the surveillance far more exact,
this fort being entirely under the control of the
Minister-General of Police and used exclusively as a
State prison.
" I am, Monseigneur,
" Etc., etc.,
"L. Danzer.
" Director-General of Police of the Transalpine
Departments.''
The benevolent authorities were now only worried
by one possibility, which they were anxious to avoid
at all costs, the fortuitous meeting of husband and
wife on the road to France. It seemed that they
might be dangerously near one another, so the
Marchese's itinerary was modified to meet the
situation. M. Danzer appears to have taken to
his bed after the passage-at-arms with his irascible
2i6 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
superior in Paris, but a subordinate writes to the
Duke for him :
"Your Excellency's orders regarding the Sieur
Patrizi have been executed ; yesterday morning he
arrived under a sure escort at Turin, where he is
closely guarded by a gendarme who permits him
neither to speak or write to any one.
" To-morrow morning he leaves for Marseilles in
a carriage for which he is to pay, accompanied by
the Quartermaster of Gendarmes, to whom I have
imparted Your Excellency's instructions. . . . The
road which I have directed for the prisoner to take
is the one by Nice and the Col di Tenda. I could
not permit him to pass by Lyon, because it seems
that Mme Patrizi, who is travelling by slow stages
to Paris with her children, is at Lyon at this
moment."
So far the official view of the Patrizi case. How
these ominous changes affected Giovanni himself we
shall read in his Journal. The blow which, to all
appearance, amounted to doom, fell upon him quite
suddenly, and Cunegonda, awaiting in eager suspense
at Chamb^ry for the hoped-for permission for her
husband to accompany her to Paris, was, perhaps
fortunately for herself, kept in ignorance, for some
time longer, of the impassable barrier now raised
between her and the man she loved so whole-
heartedly.
"On the afternoon of the 26th of July," the
Marchese says in his Memoirs, *' I was taking my
A DISQUIETING HINT 217
usual walk in the courtyard when I met my con-
fessor, the Canonico de Berrera, who asked me at
what hour he could come the next morning to speak
to me in my room. This inquiry surprised me,
and I began to have gloomy premonitions, increased
by the fact that I had already noticed that my friend
Baccili had been looking disturbed, and had let drop
some disconnected and mysterious phrases about the
many troubles to be encountered in this world —
phrases which I had at first not regarded as having
particular reference to myself.
" But from that afternoon till the following morn-
ing I was in an agony of anxiety, apprehending some
great misfortune and unable to divine whether it
threatened myself or those my very dearest ones.
With the morning came the Canonico de Berrera
at the hour I had named, and, after those preambles
which rehgion dictates when a painful announcement
is about to be made, informed me that I was about
to be removed from Fenestrelle and carried into
France. The news had been conveyed in profound
secrecy by our friend Rolla, in Turin, to Count
Baccili, and the next courier would bring to the
Commandant the order for my transfer.
" I was turned to stone. Then I could not re-
strain my tears. I asked if it were known whither
I was to be sent, and the Canonico replied that no
one appeared to know. Then I bowed my head
to the divine ordinances, and waited quietly for
these new blows of a cruel Government.
2i8 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
**On the evening of the 28th, after the arrival
of the courier, I was summoned to the presence
of the Commandant, who communicated to me an
order just received from the police at Turin, in-
structing him to have me sent as rapidly as possible,
and under the guard of a gendarme, to that place,
where I was to be put at the disposition of the
Director, and this by order of the Due de Rovigo,
Minister of Police of the French Empire. I pre-
tended to be surprised at the announcement, of
which I could foresee all the unpleasant consequences,
and I felt renewed regret at having to leave this
prison, to which, after seven months* residence, I had
become so reconciled, for a new one, where it was
not at all likely that I could adapt myself so well.
" I wrote to Turin by the same courier, who went
back the next morning, for my travelling carriage,
which I had sent there some months earlier to have
it properly taken care of, and this arrived at Fene-
strelle, with friend RoUa inside, on the morning of
August 1st. That same day, towards four o'clock,
having mingled my tears with those of the good
friends and compatriots whom I was leaving behind,
I left Fenestrelle en route for my new destination,
accompanied by RoUa and a quartermaster of gen-
darmes.
'*At Pinerolo I supped, and, after some rest,
resumed the journey, arriving at Turin about seven
in the morning. There I went to the inn of
' The Red Bull,' where my good wife had stayed
PATRIZI AT TURIN 219
when she passed through, and I was given the very
room which she had occupied with my dear sons."
The Marchese was visited on his arrival in
Turin by a certain Avvocato Ferrero, who was
acting as substitute for the still indisposed Director
of Police, M. Danzer. From this gentleman
Giovanni learnt that he was to go to Marseilles,
and obtained permission to remain in Turin until
August 4 in order to arrange for his money
matters and various business. His route to
Marseilles was laid down for him, by Cuneo,
the Col di Tenda, and Nice. He says that he
wanted to find a body-servant, but, not liking
the looks of those sent to him, he resolved to do
without. The gendarme who had brought him
from Fenestrelle seemed a good fellow, and on
the Marchese's request was designated as his
escort on the journey. And then *' friend Rolla,"
the Turinese banker, cast about for an introduction
to a banker in Marseilles who could be relied
upon to do whatever lay in his power to
accommodate the prisoner of State. It seems that
Rolla had no connection himself with any house
in Marseilles, so he applied to a colleague in
Turin, a certain M. Gabbi, who, knowingly or
unknowingly, gave over the unfortunate Marchese
into the hands of a double-dyed traitor, a certain
Signor Carminati, a banker in Marseilles, who,
under the most glowing protestations of friendship,
was secretly an agent of the police and betrayed
220 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
punctually to them every confidence with which
the too trusting prisoner honoured him during his
stay at the Chateau d'If. So perfectly did he
conceal his transactions with the authorities that
Patrizi never discovered his treachery, and it was
only when the compiler of the Memoirs obtained
access to the police archives in Paris that it was
brought to light, in a series of letters of which
the first, written on August i8, 1812, explains
the gist. It is addressed by the Commissioner-
General of Police in Marseilles to the Due de
Rovigo in Paris, and is marked " Bureau of the
Secret Police. For the Minister only.
" The Sieur Joseph Carminati, a Genoese
merchant established in Marseilles, has handed
to me the enclosed literal translation of a letter
of credit and letter of introduction which his
firm has received from the Quartermaster of
Gendarmes who escorted the Sieur Jean Patrizi,
prisoner of State, from Turin to Marseilles. The
Sieur Carminati wishes to know if he may fulfil
the commissions which the Sieur Patrizi may entrust
to him, and if he may furnish him with money
to the extent covered by the letter of credit. . . .
The Sieur Patrizi sent a message to ask
M. Carminati to inform his family of his arrival
in Marseilles. He (Carminati) will send me all
the letters which M. Patrizi may write, and I
will hasten to send them on to Your Excellency.
*' The Sieur Carminati has an excellent reputa-^
ARRIVAL AT MARSEILLES 221
tion ; his intention is to watch M. Patrizi
carefully and inform us of everything he does.
Madame Jolielen, the wife of the Comr.-General
of Police in Genoa, always stays with Mr.
Carminati when she comes to Marseilles ; she is
in his house at this moment.
" Pernon."
Such was the man whom Giovanni Patrizi
trusted with his most secret affairs during his
long imprisonment in the Chateau d'lf, and whom
he regarded as such a faithful friend and bene-
factor that when Napoleon fell and the captives
were set at liberty he chose to go and lodge in
his house, refusing to stay with Cardinal Consalvi,
who had come all the way from Lyon to hail
and take possession of him !
On August 4 Giovanni, always calm in the
presence of the decrees of Heaven, and counting
on still being able to communicate with his family,
set out on his journey to Marseilles with a quiet
mind. He reached that place on the nth, at
eight in the evening, and with his watchful escort
descended at the Hotel du Suisse in the main
street. The next morning he was permitted to
call, as he says, on the " highly commended Signor
Carminati, who received me with every politeness
and offered me all possible courteous services.
Towards midday I was presented to the Com-
missioner of Police, who caused me to be
222 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
accompanied back to the hotel by two of his
own men. There I took a few moments to put
my things together, and, having commissioned my
gendarme to go and ask Signor Carminati to be
so kind as to have my travelling carriage bestowed
in safety, I walked with the Police Agents down
to the port and took boat for the Chateau dTf,
the State Prison which stands on a small island
about a league out at sea. . . .
** Arrived at the fort, I was presented to the
Commandant, and in his presence the jailer made
a most minute inspection of everything contained
in my baggage, after which this functionary con-
ducted me to the prison. On entering this, the
jailer made a rigorous search of my person, and
took possession of my pocket-book to show it to
the Commandant. I cannot deny that this search
was excessively painful to me, never having under-
gone such treatment before. I was then taken to
the room assigned to me, which I was to share
with another prisoner, a very old Frenchman. The
room was truly horrible — a typical prison indeed !
The only piece of furniture shown me was a
wretched bed supplied by the Government. Oh
how regretfully I thought of my nice room at
Fenestrelle ! When night came I heard the bolts
drawn across the door ; the same was done to all
the other prisoners, but it was irritating to my
self-respect.
*' The next day I took steps to obtain what was
A FRESH PRISON 223
requisite to make my situation less uncomfortable,
and the most necessary things were provided by
Signor Carminati, to whom I addressed the request.
After a few days of imprisonment I asked the
Commandant for my pocket-book, and this was
instantly returned to me, minus some letters from
my relations which the Commandant thought it
his duty to keep. But after a few days more
these were also returned, as, I was told, there was
nothing suspicious in them."
It was several weeks before Giovanni Patrizi*s
wife, and his family in Rome, were apprised of his
removal to the Chateau d' If. He relates in his
Memoirs that he had no news of his father and
mother for eighty-three days, and Cunegonda,
writing on September 10 a letter which took six
weeks to reach him, said that she had had no word
of or from him since August 3. The correspondence
of the Patrizi family was already piled high on the
writing-table of the Due dc Rovigo !
CHAPTER XI
CuNEGONDA arrived in Paris on August 21, 18 12,
having stopped for a day at Pont-sur-Seine, her
father's once-beautiful chateau, and her own birth-
place. The boys were intensely interested in their
mother's first home, and Filippo, the irrepressible
writer of the family, describes the visit, in his
journal, and, like a good little boy, puts down
all the information that his elders imparted on the
subject.
" This morning, the 1 9th of August, we left
Troyes, and at about . . ." (he forgets to state the
hour) " arrived at Pont-sur-Seine, the property of
Prince Xavier of Saxony, my mother's father, and
now unjustly held by the French Government.
Julius Caesar speaks, in his ' Commentaries,' of this
place, which was then called Pons ad Sequenam,
and where one can still see traces of an ancient
life. About two miles outside the town is a great
palace, where the above-mentioned Prince lived with
his family. This palace has two beautiful fa9ades,
one that looks on the posting-road and one that
looks on the garden ; the fa9ade on the posting-
road has statues and two big pavilions (wings)
224
PIPPO^S jOUiRNAL ^25
which project far forward, forming a courtyard open
in the front ; and these two paviHons are united by
a great arch with a terrace on top of it ; the side
that looks towards the gardens has no pavilions ;
to enter the palace from that side you must cross
a bridge over a great trench made to keep the stags
and the deer in. In the palace are 300 rooms,
not including those for the servants. Behind the
palace are many gardens and a beautiful wood, where
there is an open-air theatre. In these gardens are
three great fish-ponds, and the Seine flows at the
foot. Near the palace, on the side towards the road,
there are two houses opposite one another and
surrounded with a wall which makes an enclosed
court ; in the middle there is a stone basin for
water. These were built by the afore-mentioned
Prince Xavier to keep all his hunting-dogs of every
kind, he being very fond of hunting.
" Of the town of Pont-sur-Seine I can say nothing,
because I did not see it. We went to lodge in the
house of the Cure, Monsieur Pesme, a man most
estimable for his good qualities, of which esteem is
also worthy his brother, the Cur6 of Sevigny. By
these two excellent personages we were extremely
kindly treated, and we stayed till the 20th."
The compiler of the Memoirs tells us that there
are two copies of Pippo's journal in the " archivio "
of Casa Patrizi, but that one of them has been evi-
dently much revised and corrected by well-meaning
elders. That here given is from the little man's own
15
226 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
point of view, pure and simple, and strikes one as a
remarkably lucid and intelligent production for a
child who was not yet nine years' old.
Upon her arrival in Paris, the Marchesa Patrizi
was informed that henceforth all her letters to her
husband were to be written in French, for the con-
venience of the police. She heard rumours that he
had been transferred to a new prison, but for a long
time remained in ignorance of his real address.
" I did not know how or where to send you news
of us," she writes at last, *' and I was going to risk
writing to the Commandant of Chateau d'lf and the
Commandant of Hyeres to ask if you were in either
of those prisons ; but, thank God, your letters
received yesterday have relieved my suspense, and,
what is more, tell me that you arc well. They are
of the 24th and 28th of August, and you say this
last is the sixth you have written to me, so four are
missing. 1 wish I could give wings to mine to-day
to make it reach you more rapidly, for you must be
anxious about us. I will hasten to say that all went
happily during the second part of our journey ; our
dear children are well ; they kiss your hands, and
only do not add a few lines to this letter because
they cannot write in French. Our excellent friend"
(Don Lorenzo Giustiniani) "for the same reason
commissions me to give you a thousand and yet a
thousand affectionate greetings from him. I will
not talk about my own health, because it is always
bad. My address here is Rue Jacob, H6tel d'Ham-
CUNEGONDA IN PARIS 227
bourg, 18, Faub. Saint Germain. My lodging is
clean but very small, our finances permitting nothing
more expensive. My life is solitary. ... I rarely
go lout, as the least walk fatigues me. I am glad
you are getting some sea-baths ; they will do you
good. I fancy you have made up for all the cold
you endured at Fenestrelle, for it must have been
very warm on those lonely rocks " (of the Chateau
d'lf). "I will write to Rome about you, in case they
have had no news of you there. Good-bye, my very
dear Giovanni. Keep well, and think of me as I
think without ceasing of you.
" GONDINA."
On September 1 6 a hurried note says :
" I am longing to know that you have received
my first letter " (from Paris) " and also news from
Rome. I was in a fever of impatience to write to
you ; but, not knowing where you were, or whether
it were permitted that I should write to you, I
searched about in vain for means to let you have
news of us. I wrote to-day by the Government
messenger to your mother, that she might the sooner
have yours, for which she was in mortal anxiety. . . .
Have you found any one to wait upon you ? Oh,
how many things there are that I want to know ! "
Then comes the account of poor Marchesa
Patrizi's efforts to see the Due de Rovigo. On the
27 th she says :
228 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
" Last Friday I went to see the Minister of Police.
This makes the fifth time I have been to his door,
and this time at last I was admitted. Before I could
speak he told me that I was to ask nothing for you,
since you yourself had forbidden me to do so in
your letters, a fact which it would be useless for me
to deny ; I replied that I felt free to ask, in spite of
that, and that I did ask for your liberation, and I
continued to urge the point very insistently. He
gave me no definite answer, but I do not abandon
the hope of obtaining what I desire, and I assure
you that my own wish united with yours and that of
your mother as well as of our mutual friend keeps
me in a state of intense impatience to obtain the
favour. I spoke also (to the Duke) of the sequestra-
tions, and he promised me that if he found the order
emanated from himself he would have it rescinded
at once ; if, however, it had come from the Emperor
we should have to wait for the latter's return ; I
hope it did come from the Duke, and that so it will
soon be removed. There, my very dear one, is all
that I have been able to do so far ! Keep up your
courage and let us be confident that at last God will
grant us all that we desire. . . ."
The worst cruelty of Giovanni Patrizi's imprison-
ment was the absolute ignorance in which he was
intentionally kept about his wife and family. It
was maddening to Cunegonda to discover that her
long, faithful letters never reached their proper
destination. She was, in spite of all her exalted
A PATHETIC LETTER 229
training, a very human woman, and sometimes her
feelings got the better of her prudence.
" Oh ! how I wish you could send me word that
my letters reach you," she cries, on the 8 th of
October, from Paris, " I am more and more surprised
that you have as yet received not one of them.
Every time I get one of yours I dream that it will
be an answer to mine — but nothing of the kind ! It
is always the same thing for both of us ! "
And a day or two later : " This will be short, for
when I have told you that we are all well there will
be nothing more to say. Here is the eighth letter I
have written you — it is terrible to think that for two
months and a half you have been in complete ignor-
ance of what had become of us ! ... I feel it is
useless to write you letters doomed to be lost, but
as I hear now that mine are all in the hands of
the Commandant of the Chateau d'lf, I am sending
this one to him direct, begging him, as a favour, to
let you have the others, or, if that is impossible, at
least to tell you our news, which, thank God, is
good. . . r
Ten days later, on the 21st of October, she writes :
"Your last letter, my very dear Giovanni, of the
7th, was a very sad one, but I am glad you wrote it,
since it eased you. I beg you not to think of the
pain which the relation of your suffering may cause
me, but to write as fully as you feel disposed ; 1 am
only too glad if, by doing so, you can gain a few
moments of consolation. . . .
J
230 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
** I wrote you that I was working for your libera-
tion and the removal of the sequestrations. I con-
tinue to make these attempts, and though as yet I
see no results, I do not lose courage. . . /'
November i, 1812.
" It is almost a year since we were separated and it
seems very long ! ... I am sure my letters (if they
ever reach you !) must seem very dull, for to me
they seem all alike, and there is nothing new to tell
you . . . everything revolves round our mutual sor-
row and our much-broken-up correspondence. . . ."
On November 15 Cunegonda gives her husband
some quaint details of the restricted housekeeping
made necessary by the low state of her funds. She
had tried to give up her one cup of chocolate a day
** for the sake of economy," but to her regret had to
commit the extravagance of returning to it. She
chronicles with much disapproval the fashionable
hours in vogue in Paris — dinner at five o'clock,
sometimes actually as late as six ! She, however,
resists all temptations to be drawn into this vortex of
dissipation, and says that the family keeps severely to
the primitive Roman regime !
On the 1 2th comes a little cry from her heart :
" If only I could set you free by taking your
place ! . . . You ask me for more details about
the children. ... I scarcely know what to tell you
. . . everything goes on precisely as it has done
PROUD POVERTY 231
wherever we have stopped on the way. I make
them continue their studies as far as possible, and
not a moment of the day is ever wasted. Xavier
grows very rapidly ; I think he must already be
taller than you, but he ought to grow stouter — he
is as thin as a lath, but quite well, which is the
essential. Pippo stays where he was, is pretty fat,
and as cross as ever at growing no taller ! "
''Nov. 16, 1 8 12.
" Though I have not had any letters from you,
my very dear Giovanni, I will write two lines just
to give you news of us — thank God, good, in
spite of the rain, t^e fog, the mud, and the cold,
for we have all this at once. You can have no
idea what the streets of Paris are at this season ;
one walks on a mattress of mud, so I stay indoors as
much as I can. . . . The children take long walks
with the Cavaliere, and that does them much good.
When they cannot go out they play at battledore
and shuttlecock to get a little exercise, although it
is true our rooms are so small that we can scarcely
move. Xavier's room is so tiny that the bed fills
it completely, and the bed itself is too short for
him ; and if the window is open one cannot get
into the room at all ! Luckily he is only there at
night. . . . My own room is more a passage than
a bedroom . . . but the lodging is cheap, and the
proprietors of the hotel very good people and
most obliging. Monsignor Marini and his nephew
232 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
are also staying in this house, and we see them
often."
The Marchesa's long stay in Paris — for she
showed no disposition to move until her petition
for her husband*s liberation should be granted —
began to irritate the Due de Rovigo, and called
forth an order to conduct her sons at once to the
Prytan6e de la Fleche. This command, though not
unexpected, troubled her greatly. On November 22
she wrote : " After remaining for many days in
ignorance as to the result of my two petitions, and
hearing nothing from the Minister regarding the
origin of the order of sequestration — tormented
greatly, too, by not having obtained your liberation
— I again importuned the Minister on both those
subjects, and, by way of reply, was ordered to present
myself to the Prefect of Police, by whom I was
informed that, according to the Minister's orders,
it was impossible to consider either of my petitions
until my children should have been received into
the College at La Fleche. I was overcome with
sorrow at this news, and could only answer by
imploring again and again that you should be given
hack to me !
" Having afterwards received your letter in which
you advised me to refer our sad affairs to our
relative, Prince Corsini, whom you supposed to be
in Paris at present, I found and spoke to his
brother, Don Neri . . . but unhappily he had
been charged by the Minister of Police to repeat
THE COLLEGE AT LA FLECHE 233
these threats, which melancholy commission he carried
out on Monday. On Wednesday I received orders
from the Prefect of Police to go to him again
on Thursday morning ; but, having learnt from
Don Neri just what the Prefect would say, and
being completely worn out both physically and
morally, I sent word that I was not well enough to
go, that I understood what it was that he wished
to say to me, and that I would send my answer
the next day. . . . This I did . . . the answer
being a letter to you, telling you all that had
occurred, and asking to know your wishes before
taking any decision on such an important subject.
This letter I enclosed with a note to the Prefect,
in which I begged him to give it to the Minister,
with the prayer that he would have it conveyed
to you quickly and safely, and let me have your
answer to it in the same manner. An hour after-
wards the Prefect returned me the letter, saying
that I was at liberty to send it direct to the
Minister if I liked, but that he himself was charged
with the execution of the Emperor's command in
regard to my children, and, seeing my resistance,
he warned me that he would be obliged to take
the necessary measures to carry them out. So
yesterday, while we were at dinner, a Commissioner
of Police came to tell me that the Prefect had
named a person to take my children to La Fleche
within twenty-four hours. I asked if I too might
name some one to go with them ; he said, certainly,
234 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
I could go myself if I wished. Meanwhile this
Police Agent has established himself in the house
to keep the children under his own eyes, and to
travel with us. This being Sunday, I asked for a
delay till Tuesday ; the banks are closed to-day,
and it is impossible to get any money. I do not
know yet if the delay will be granted, but I hope
so, and 1 will tell you before I close this letter.
I have been assured and assured again that in
fifteen days you will be set at liberty. I hope it,
and in my extreme sorrow that will be a very great
consolation to which I look forward eagerly.
*' P.S. — I have obtained the respite till Tuesday.
Be quite happy about my health — God sustains me."
Here little Filippo takes up his chronicle.
" On the 24M day of November 1812. Tuesday.
** As a number of things happened to us (!) we
were made to leave Paris for La Fleche accompanied
by a certain M. Martin, Commissioner of Police.
So we started with six horses (though we were
paying for seven), being six people in the carriage,
my mother, the Chevalier Giustiniani, my brother,
a maid, and M. Martin and Giuseppe our servant ;
but he went outside. Leaving there at about ten
in the morning, we passed out of the barrier of
Chaillot, following the Seine on our left, and one
sees on the right a big town. The road is flat but
stony, which caused the lock of a trunk on the back
to be broken, and so we lost something.
VERSAILLES AND COIGNIERE 235
"After passing the Seine we reached Sevres, a
post and a quarter from Paris. This post is a city,
and there is a beautiful avenue. Here a coachman
of a diligence brought back to us some of the things
which, as I said above, we had lost.
'* After Sevres there is nothing much. One post
further we arrived at Versailles, a city of 3,000
souls, where the Kings of France used to live, and
there is a beautiful palace on a great Square, all
ornamented with colonnades.
*' Here there is now the School for Pages
(Pageria) of the Emperor Napoleon L Here we
changed horses and hurried on. Just outside the
city there is a big frozen fish-pond. On the rest of
the road nothing worth noticing. At half-past one
we reached Coigni^re, a small place and an ugly
one ; we stopped at the only inn, the " White
Horse," of which I cannot judge, having seen only
one poor old room on the ground-floor where we
had dinner. But I was told that there are some
decent rooms. The owners of this inn are very
moderate, having only asked us 12 francs and to
sous for an excellent dinner. . . .
*' After a post and three-quarters we got to
Rambouillet. We went to the Hotel St. Martin,
which is very clean but also very dear.
** Second day.
''After a discussion with the innkeeper, who
insisted on charging 32 francs, we came downstairs
at half-past eight to go away ; but, the postilions
236 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
having broken the coach -ladder (to climb to the
top), we had to wait to get it mended ; but that
could not be done, so it had to be taken off. On
leaving Rambouillet we took the road to Chartres
... it passes by many small frozen lakes and ponds,
and also many little villages consisting of a few
huts . . . thatched with straw. . . . We reached
Chartres at half-past twelve and went to the Hotel
of the * Grand Monarque.' It is very clean but
very expensive, and is outside the city, which has
about fifteen thousand inhabitants and a beautiful
Cathedral of Gothic architecture. At a quarter past
five we got to Courville, an inconsiderable town,
where we passed the night.
" Third day.
"... At the posting-station of Nogent-le-
Rotrou one of the postilions fell with his horse and
the wheel passed over his thigh, but, thank God,
did not injure him. . . . While we were at dinner
at La Nert6-Bernard they put two wedges in the
centre hole of the big wheel because it was broken
and the axle was wearing through it. We reached
Con6r6 at a quarter-past six, and stopped at the
good and moderate hotel of St. Jean, which is out-
side the town, and forty years ago was all burnt ; but
it has been rebuilt.
" Fourth day.
" Feeling very much satisfied with the inn-keeper
of the hotel, we left Con^r6 about 9 o*clock ; but
there was such a thick fog on the road that I could
ARRIVAL AT LA FLECHE 237
not sec if there was anything to note about it. . . .
At Mans we had to wait half an hour to get a wheel
mended. ... At last, to our great sorrow, we ap-
proached our sad destination. . . . Arrived at the
town of La Fl^che, we got down at the least bad
of the inns, the ' Golden Lion,' kept by Mme.
Boisseau, a good honest woman."
In the last note in Pippo's diary is added, later :
*' Here we stayed till December 3, on which day
took place our hard separation from our Lady
Mother."
So it was done at last. All Cunegonda's
innocent plots to gain time, all her valiant rebellions,
her agonised prayers, had been in vain. The boys
were taken from her and shut up in the detested
school, and she, poor faithful soul, bravely turned
her eyes towards her husband's liberation, which
both he and she then believed would be granted
as the price of the enforced sacrifice. What the
weary journey from Paris to La Fl^che, through
the frozen country, meant to her no one ever
heard her say. She never even referred to her
feelings during those last few troubled days that
she had her children with her — dear and precious
days in spite of all fatigue and discomforts of the
long rough journey. Her first letter from La
Fl^che to her husband is all cheerfulness and good
sense, intended to comfort him for the sorrow
that lay so heavily on them both. This letter
238 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
describes the surroundings in which, taking every
possible chance of seeing the children, she was to
remain for nearly two years !
On November 29 she writes :
" I arrived here on Friday evening . . . and I
would have wished to write to you at once, but
yesterday I was, as you may imagine, so tired that
I had neither the courage nor strength to do so.
Our journey was prosperous, but very cold ; every-
thing was frozen. The Commissioner of Police
put in charge of our children behaved very properly,
but you will understand how it annoyed us to have
him in the carriage ; he goes back to-morrow.
*' I have already seen the Sub-Prefect of the
town ; he is the brother of the Prefect of Paris,
and exceedingly gentle and polite. He came to
see me last evening ; and this morning General
Duteil, the Director of the Prytan^e, paid me a
visit. Every one seems to speak well of him.
We are still at the hotel, which is anything but
good, but the General has already found me a
small furnished house, which I will go and look at
to-morrow. We are all quite well, thank God,
and indeed it is by a special grace from Him
that I have been able to bear up under so many
sorrows, following one upon another and ever
increasing. I am actively working for your libera-
tion, and hope to obtain it soon now.
** What happiness it will be for me, my dear,
THE BOYS ENTER COLLEGE 239
when I can see you again ! What a quantity of
things we shall have to say to each other after
over a year of separation — and a year so crowded
too, with events !
*' This place is ugly and small, but I care little.
The life I lead does not foster the desire to live
in a great city ! Our good, excellent friend makes
himself ever more helpful to me ; he salutes you,
and the children kiss your hand. They sec with
heavy hearts the approaching moment of our
separation ! "
The next letter, dated December 8, informed
Giovanni that his sons had entered the college.
Cunegonda writes bravely as usual.
*' Our boys entered the college on Thursday.
I have facilities for seeing them during their hour
of recreation. They are well, but each day makes
me more unhappy at being separated from them,
and I need to make constant acts of resignation. . . .
Good-bye — I must go and warm myself, for I am
as frozen as the wells of La Fleche."
On the 13th of the month she says: "Each
letter I write to you now I promise myself that
it is the last I shall have to address to the Chateau
d'lf, and that from one day to another now I
shall receive the joyful news of your liberation.
Heavens ! how long the time seems till it shall
come ! Every time I hear a posting-carriage go
by 1 fancy that you have come, without reflecting
240 THE PATRI2I MEMOIRS
that it would be all but impossible for you to get
here so quickly.
" Since my last letter to you I have received
three of yours, dated the i8th, 22nd, and 23rd of
November. In that of the 22nd you proved a true
prophet ; for, without knowing at all what was
happening, you wrote that you had a presentiment
that I was more than usually troubled just then,
and it was precisely then (as you will have seen if
my letter of that time has ever reached you) that
they had obliged us to leave Paris so suddenly.
It surprised me, as it did our friend " (Don
Lorenzo), " that you should have had this intuition
about me.
*' I come now to your letter of the 24th. You
divined rightly in thinking that our talk reverted
constantly to the sad anniversary of the day after
... it made our journey yet more mournful, as
we remembered it. . . . At last you have had letters
from Rome ! I can imagine what a comfort they
must have been. But they were very much retarded,
even as mine of the 13th of October, of which you
now speak ; but it is better than nothing, at any
rate. I got a" (Roman) ''letter of the 25th of
November yesterday. That is a little more recent
than yours. I think I forgot to tell you that your
father made a little expedition to Siena ; he was
four days at Quirico with the Chigis and one day
at Siena. The *Bailli'" (Ruspoli) "declares that
the object of the journey was to make an inventory
HOPE DEFERRED 241
of the old pictures and arm-chairs which are still
in the apartment your father rented to him, so that
at his death there should be no disputes with the
Sovereign Order of Malta, if it ever be revived.
"... You ask after my health ; but how is it
possible to feel well in such circumstances ? It is
a miracle that I am alive. 1 will not give you
details about the children. We can talk about
them when you get here. I will only say that,
but for colds, they are well, and they ask for your
blessing. It is bitterly cold. If one leaves the fire
for a moment one is frozen, and my fingers just
now are like ice.'*
If ever a heart knew the torment of hope de-
ferred, it was that of Cunegonda during these months
at La Fleche. She had regarded her husband's
liberation as certain from the moment when the
children had been brought, practically under arrest,
to the college, and she even shows some little im-
patience when Giovanni's faith in the happy event
does not keep pace with hers. He writes to ask her
to have some portraits taken of herself and the
boys, that he might have the consolation of looking
at the beloved faces in his solitude. On December 1 6
she replies, apparently for the second time, to his
request :
" I told you that I hoped it would be only a short
time before you would see the originals, and as
this hope is now greatly strengthened it seems use-
less to have the portraits made here, and in any
16
242 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
case it would be very difficult, if not altogether
impossible. However, if my anticipations should
unhappily not be realised, I will try to procure
what you desire. I will give Xavier your messages
for his fete-day. You wrote this '* (last) *' letter on
the eve of the anniversary of our cruel separation.
How many tears and sorrows do these children cost
us ? Xavier understands it all ; Pippo is still very
heedless for his age, and this makes me troubled
for him and keeps me in continual sharp anxiety
on his account, apart from the pain of being sepa-
rated from him. 1 cannot get accustomed to this
loneliness, especially after having the boys with me
from morning till night for a whole year. May the
will of God be done."
The correspondence between husband and wife
was at this time all but paralysed by the severity
of the police and the all too ready zeal of the
Commandant of the Chateau d'lf to carry out and
even surpass the Minister's instructions. On
Christmas Day, 1812, Cunegonda writes in great
depression :
" I have let a few more days than usual go by
without writing to you, my dear Giovanni. I confess
that I am getting weary of writing uselessly, for I
reflect that if this letter reaches you at all it will be
over a month hence, and that is discouraging. After
all, the only interesting subject on which we can
speak to one another is that of our own and our
friends* health — and if I tell you that we are all well
PETTY PERSECUTION 243
to-day, you will only know it towards February —
and it takes away all one's wish to write.
*' Never mind, let us persevere, in the hope that
' they ' will get tired of always reading the same
thing and will at last permit our letters to go
through directly. It will be a year to-morrow since
I left Rome — my dear Rome ! "
A day or two later she remarks sarcastically : " It
is really delightful to hear, on the 28 th of December,
that you have received my September letters ! That
becomes really interesting ! " Then, softening, she
says, as her New Year's greeting : " God grant that
this coming year be happier than the one we have
just passed through — at least, it could scarcely be
worse ! "
Indeed, the correspondence which could so greatly
have lightened this time of trial for Giovanni and
his wife had now become a source of constant
worry and irritation. Although restricting them-
selves to the constant repetition of one or two
uncompromising facts, which had to pass the judg-
ment of the argus-eyed police, nothing was allowed
to be forwarded to either of them without many
weeks of delay, and, so long as the Empire lasted,
it seemed to give actual pleasure to the authorities to
make their situation as painful as possible. Gio-
vanni's letters were allowed to pile up on the table
of the Commandant of the fort, day after day —
sometimes he waited till there were seven lying
there before he sent them on to Paris — a negligence,
244 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
indeed, for which he was at various times reproved
by the Due de Rovigo, who wished to be kept
au courant of the Patrizi sentiments and concerns.
These packets of correspondence lay about in the
police office for an infinite time before being sent
on to Rome or La Fl^che, if they were judged
innocuous ; but if they aroused the slightest sus-
picion they were, as we have seen, forwarded to the
Emperor for his personal perusal. The result was
that very often a perfect mass of Patrizi corre-
spondence lay jumbled upon the Minister's table.
Those of Giovanni to his wife would (when some-
body undertook to clear the papers up) all be for-
warded together with those to his parents in Rome.
Thence they were returned to the Chateau d*If,
to start once more on their travels to Paris, and
again reach the Due de Rovigo. No wonder that
months and months intervened between the writing
and the reception of the missives !
CHAPTER XII
The Marchesa found much consolation in the kind
and amenable attitude of the Director of the College
at La Fleche, General Duteil. This good man
always sent the boys home for their holidays, and
took advantage of any little indisposition of theirs
which could furnish an excuse, without infringing
the rules of the college, to let them be with their
mother for a time.
Once, however, the good General becomes almost
panic-stricken on hearing of a threatened visit of
inspection, and writes in great haste to Cunegonda :
" Madame,
" Having been informed by M. le General
Bellevue that he is coming here immediately to make
his inspection, it is indispensable that Messieurs
your sons should at once return to the school. I
know that the youngest is ill. You will keep him
until he has recovered, but I must rely for this on
your own delicate feeling, for you will understand
that the sudden arrival of the Inspector would put
me in an awkward position. It cannot be doubted
that other parents, whose requests to have their
245
246 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
children at home I have refused, would instantly
inform him that I have permitted you to have yours.
I will do everything in my power to facilitate your
interviews with your sons. Pray believe, Madame,
how much I desire to be agreeable to you. . . .
Your very humble and very obedient servant,
"Gen. Duteil.*'
On January i, 1813, Cunegonda received from
Rome the welcome news that the order of seques-
tration had been removed from all the Patrizi
property except the estates in Tuscany, and these
too were freed a few weeks later. Encouraged
by this alleviation, Giovanni's mother urged him
to write directly to the Due de Rovigo, petitioning
that his sentence of imprisonment might be com-
muted to one of exile, at La Fl^che. This was
unconditionally refused. Napoleon, who boasted
of having introduced into Rome a judicial system
which precluded the smallest possibility of partiality
or injustice, was inflicting on a Roman citizen a
severe imprisonment, without trial, without defined
limit, an imprisonment which might well have
proved life-long had not he who imposed it him-
self reached the extreme limit set for him by
Divine Providence, and beyond which he was
nevermore to exercise his own will.
But for those who loved Giovanni hope suddenly
rose high. News had come of a reconciliation
between the Pope and the Emperor.
THE "NEW CONCORDAT" 247
On the 31st of January Cunegonda writes:
" In your letter of the loth, my dear Giovanni "
(the letter must have echoed the sentiments of
the authorities, to have been permitted to travel
so fast !) *' you beg me to speak no more of my
hopes for your speedy liberation. At any other
time I would have obeyed you, but to-day these
hopes are too well confirmed to keep me from
communicating them. The happy news of a new
Concordat between our Holy Father and the
Emperor seems to promise the accomplishment
of our desires ; so hope, my very dear one, hope !
I trust that the hope I now bring you will not
prove unfavourable to your health, for indeed it
rests on solid foundations ; you will agree with
me on that point — and I begin to breathe again.
Be sure that I shall neglect nothing to obtain this
grace — it is too close to my heart. My sister
writes that the Cardinals who were imprisoned at
Vincennes have already been set free, as well as
Monsignor de Gregorio and the Pere Fontane,
and that orders have been sent to Fenestrelle to
bring Cardinal Pacca to Paris. That is all I know,
for the moment."
The " New Concordat ! " The words mark
the saddest of all the sad pages of the life of
Pius VII, and, one cannot but think, the darkest
in the record of Napoleon. The Emperor, as
every one knows, was threatening the Church with
a Schism of the West which would have been
248 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
more far-reaching in its direful consequences than
any that had gone before. The ambassadors
whom he selected to lay his terms before the
Holy Father allowed themselves to be terrified
into submission by the violence of his threats,
not perceiving that this very violence betrayed an
intense anxiety to come to an understanding. He
felt not only that the moment had arrived when
it would be to his advantage to put an end to
the damaging spectacle presented to the world by
the imprisonment of an aged and saintly Pontiff
and all the most respected and influential members
of his ecclesiastical Court ; but, still more forcibly,
that he could never overcome the stubborn opposi-
tion of the Roman people until he should be, in
appearance, at least, reconciled with the Pope.
He wished for peace ; and, expecting the terms
to be discussed and to some extent modified, he
laid them down with a completeness and arrogance
which one fancies he was far from expecting to
see satisfied. He chose his ambassadors well.
The four Cardinals, Doria, RufFo, Dugnani, and
de Bayane were men of timid dispositions, and
were convinced that the Emperor meant what he
said, and they exaggerated the import of his
threats in repeating them to Pius VII, so that
Napoleon himself must have been secretly surprised
at the result.
On January 25, at Fontainebleau, the Pope, worn
out, ill, vanquished more by the entreaties of his
NAPOLEON'S STRATEGY 249
friends than the fear of his enemy, yielded so
far as to allow his signature to be extorted — no
other word suits the case — for the plan of a
Concordat, which, it was clearly stated, could not
come into force until approved and ratified by
the whole of the Sacred College. Until that
ratification should have taken place, all the parties
to the proposition were bound over to maintain
complete secrecy in regard to it. By the terms
of this fatal document the Pope renounced his
temporal power and obliged himself to reside in
France or wherever the Emperor might wish to
send him.
Napoleon, delighted with his victory, immediately
set at liberty the Cardinals and Bishops detained in
his various prisons. Then, reflecting that their
representations might induce Pius VII to change his
mind — and sure, moreover, that the approval of the
Sacred College of Cardinals, on which the legality of
the agreement was to depend, could never be ob-
tained— he made one of those coups de main for
which the Bonapartes are famous ; he flung his
promises of secrecy to the winds and published the
text of the Concordat entire, stating that it was
already agreed to unconditionally by the Holy See.
The Chancellor Cambacer^s read it aloud to the
Legislative Body, the newspapers published it in full,
salvos of artillery informed the people that peace
was concluded, and Napoleon ordered Te Deums to
ht ^urig in all the churches to celebrate the happy
250 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
event. Wise people said little ; many, on reading
the published text, believed it to be a forgery ; others
were convinced that the Pope's consent had been
extorted by force, and thus rendered entirely illegal.
All waited, eagerly or anxiously, according to their
dispositions, for what would happen next.
Meanwhile the unfortunate Pontiff, torn with
remorse at having even conditionally acceded to the
Emperor's outrageous demands, fell into a state of
such despairing melancholy that for several days he
could not nerve himself to celebrate Mass. He
accused himself of betraying his trust, forsaking his
sheep, delivering the Patrimony of Peter into the
hands of the spoiler. The Cardinals Pacca and
Consalvi, who flew to his side the moment they came
out of prison, had to use a gentle violence to draw
him once more to the Altar which he said he had
betrayed. The sustaining presence of these two
faithful friends roused him at last from his despair.
It was not enough to repent ; he must undo the
harm he had so unwillingly done. He must retract
publicly. To this end he began to compose a
manifesto, every word of which he submitted to the
Cardinals and Bishops who were near at hand. But
all this while he was under strict military surveil-
lance, and it was exceedingly diflkult to treat of such
an important matter under the watchful eyes of the
chief jailer, Colonel Lagorse, who had the strictest
orders from the Emperor to prevent the Pope from
touching in any way on public affairs in his inter-
THE POPE'S MANIFESTO 251
views with the prelates until Napoleon himself
should grant permission for him to do so. The
strictest prohibition of all regarded Cardinal Di
Pietro, of whose influence the Emperor stood in
such fear that his first words after obtaining the
Pope's signature to the Concordat were, '* Now that
Cardinal Di Pietro is coming, I suppose you will
instantly go and confess to him ! "
But the holy Cardinals and Bishops were too
astute for the fierce Colonel. They were not in
the least afraid of Napoleon, and the preparation of
the manifesto went on quietly and carefully, as
Cardinal Pacca relates in his Memoirs :
*' In the morning, after the Pope had returned
from Mass, Cardinals Di Pietro and Consalvi entered
his apartment and passed him the sheet which he had
written the day before. He then continued to work
for a little. At half- past four I went to see him, and
sometimes he added a few lines to what he had
already done in the morning. Then I, slipping the
notes and his manuscript under my robe, took the
papers to the house where Cardinal Pignatelli was
lodging, and from which they were returned to the
Palace (to Di Pietro or Consalvi) by a sure hand the
next morning."
All these precautions were necessary to prevent
Lagorse from discovering that the Pope was pre-
paring some document of importance and also to
have none of the papers left in the Palace, where
he might make some secret raid of inspection during
252 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
the night. Also it was necessary that the Holy
Father's advisers should be able to consult together
and make suggestions or amendments on what he
had written, and the fact that Cardinal Pignatelli
was confined to his lodgings by illness gave him and
the other prelates, who were allowed to visit him
freely, the opportunity they required for reflection
and discussion. " This went on for several days,'*
Cardinal Pacca tells us, and when at last the letter
was finished every point of importance was clearly set
forth in it. To justify his action the Pope invoked
the example of one of his predecessors, Pascal II,
who in rather similar circumstances retracted a
concession made to the Emperor Henry V, declaring
it null and void because extorted by violence.
Pius VII, however, desiring to be conciliatory,
declared himself ready to accede to any terms which
his conscience, aided by the Council of Cardinals,
would permit.
The Emperor flew into one of his epic rages
when the letter reached him. He communicated
the contents at once to the Privy Council, abused
the Pope, whom he called an " obstinate priest,"
and declared that he would have the heads of some
of the prelates at Fontainebleau. There were not
wanting among the imperial advisers some who
pressed him to follow the example of Henry VIII
of England and at once declare the independence of
the Church in France ; but the cold sense which
rarely deserted Napoleon made him brusquely reject
TREACHERY OF NAPOLEON 253
the impolitic proposition. Instead it was agreed
that the initial violence should be supported by a
particularly black piece of treachery. The Pope's
retractation was to be quietly suppressed, and the
terms of the already published Concordat further
published, rigorously upheld, and, as soon as possible,
carried out. It all seemed perfectly simple. But
Napoleon did not deny himself the pleasure of
punishing those who were responsible for his annoy-
ance. In the dead of night on April 5, Colonel
Lagorse entered the apartment of Cardinal Di
Pietro, roused him from his sleep, and handed him
over to a delegate of the police, who at once carried
him off as a prisoner to Auxerre. And from that
moment Pius VII and the Cardinals who remained
in Paris became more than ever conscious that they
were prisoners too. New and stricter regulations
were ruthlessly enforced. Lagorse had orders to
prevent all private intercourse with the Holy Father
or among the prelates themselves. It was a per-
secution of every moment, and more than once the
unfortunate Pontiff was forced to regret the com-
parative peace of his incarceration at Savona.
Thus matters dragged on through 1813, the Pope
a helpless prisoner kept in complete ignorance of
what was taking place around him in Paris, or — a
far more painful privation — in his beloved Rome.
Had he known the condition of things in France he
might have drawn consolation from the heavy clouds
which were gathering over his enemy's head.
254 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
Napoleon was losing his prestige ; Europe, no
longer hypnotised by his marvellous force and
audacity, was preparing to dismember his empire ;
he was no longer constantly victorious, and the
tremendous sacrifices demanded of the French,
particularly the last levy, which had swept in
recruits of barely fifteen years of age, had aroused
universal indignation. Napoleon was no longer sure
of himself. It was the beginning of the end.
The pretended Concordat, disastrous as it ap-
peared on general grounds, was, very naturally,
hailed with joy by some who saw in it the termina-
tion of their own sufferings. Cunegonda Patrizi,
like a loving wife, could only think of one aspect
of it. To her simple and honest mind it meant
the liberation of Giovanni. She was sure now that
any request made by the Pope would be instantly
granted, and on February 7, just after the publica-
tion of the document, she wrote to her hus-
band :
" If you have read the Gazette you will have
seen . . . that there is an article in the Concordat
which appears to touch you and many other persons,
and in view of this I and all others who have read
it believe that you will very shortly be set at
liberty. You said that you thought I must have
got tired of expecting you by every post, and had
probably by this time ceased to think of your
coming at all. But I assure you that it is quite
the contrary. Only yesterday I believed it still,
CARDINAL PACCA 255
and Marianna " (the maid), '' who was crossing the
square when the caleche arrived, was much agitated
because she made sure that you were in it. So
you see I am not the only one to have faith in
your coming ; every time the Chevalier hears the
crack of a whip he thinks it is you ! "
Fired with hope and confidence, the Marchesa
wrote to her old friend Cardinal Pacca :
'' Since I was not able to have the good fortune
of personally congratulating Your Eminence, may
I be permitted to do so most warmly in these few
lines, which must also express all the gratitude I
feel for the repeated remembrances with which Your
Eminence has honoured me in my husband's letters.
At the same time I will venture to remind Your
Eminence of that companion of your imprisonment,
who has now languished for six months, immured
in the Chateau d'lf, my many efforts for his
deliverance having all been made in vain. This
is the time when Your Eminence can show greater
kindness than ever to that unhappy man by per-
suading our Holy Father to ask for his libera-
tion, and let him add that of our sons, the only
children who were brought here and consigned "
(to the College) ** by the direct hand of the Govern-
ment ^
This was a proof of Patrizi's loyalty to his
Sovereign, which certainly contrasted favourably
with the supine acquiescence of other Roman
parents of his own class. Cunegonda continues :
256 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
" No one is better acquainted with all the facts
of the case than Your Eminence, and from Don
Marino, who will have the honour of presenting
this letter to you, you will learn of all that has
happened to me recently. So I look to Your
Eminence for consolation after all these misfortunes,
and 1 have the firm trust that you will not only
grant the favour I ask, but plead for it so zealously
that I shall soon experience the happy result, and
thus have still new motives for the gratitude,
affection, and respect which I have for so long
professed for Your Eminence, and which I now
renew.
" Remaining Your Eminence's humble, devoted,
and obedient servant,
"CUNEGONDA OF SaXONY PaTRIZI."
Cardinal Pacca*s reply, of which the reasons are
clear to us, must have puzzled and discouraged
the poor Marchesa, ignorant of the circumstances
attending the publication of the new Concordat.
After the usual friendly greetings he says :
** I would at once have executed the commission
you entrusted to me had I considered the present
circumstances propitious ; but, unfortunately, they
are not that yet. Rest assured, however, that I
will take advantage of the earliest favourable
moment. I will not talk to you of my recent
fellow prisoner, for fear of saddening you ; I will
only say that 1 love him as tenderly as a brother.
CUNEGONDA'S EFFORTS 25^
" Let us pray continually to God that He will
reunite us where we have lived in the past, and yet
more that He will deign to do so in that life where
there is no sorrow or trial or bitterness. . . ."
On the same day Cunegonda was writing to her
husband :
^'February 13, 1813.
** I will do as you wish and wait till the end of
this month before taking any new steps to obtain
your liberation. It is too true that the fifteen days
at the end of which the promise had been held out
to me have been unduly prolonged ; God grant we
may be nearing the end now ; as for me, I hope it
more and more, and you can imagine how I desire
it ; on Friday it will be fifteen months since we were
separated. How much we have suffered in that
time ! "
She draws, or pretends to draw, hope even from
Cardinal Pacca's letter. "Barthelmie, the Lamb,
writes to me showing the greatest interest in you,
saying that he loves you as if you were his brother.
I did not doubt it, indeed ; but his expressions were
very consoling."
As the Government were sedulously circulating
the terms of the Concordat, which implied amnesty
for political prisoners, the Marchesa very soon
attacked the Cardinal again on the subject of her
husband, making her excuse for writing her wish to
thank His Eminence for his kind letter.
17
258 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
Her graciously worded acknowledgments only
thinly veil the real purpose, her feverish anxiety to
have him plead Giovanni's cause. Her surprise and
mystification were great when a tiny note, undated,
unaddressed, and written in a disguised hand, was
secretly conveyed to her. It seemed as if the
Cardinal were once more undergoing the rigours and
espionage of imprisonment. Its contents show that
he thought her plea would have a better chance
coming directly from herself.
" Do not hesitate to address to the Government a
petition demanding the full and complete liberty of
your husband, and suggest to him that he do the
same. . . .
** The Lamb."
The advice seems rash, and nothing that can be
found in the papers of the persons concerned appears
to justify it at that moment ; but the Cardinal may
have had some kind of verbal encouragement from
one in authority which led him to give it. In any
case, we know the attempt was doomed to failure.
Cunegonda's multiplied applications and petitions
could not have been launched at a worse moment.
The Emperor and his underlings were too thoroughly
out of temper with the Holy Father to set at large
one of his most ardently devoted subjects just then.
But Cunegonda was incorrigible. No disillusion
discouraged her for long, and her enthusiastic trust-
PATRIZrS LIFE IN PRISON 259
fulness came, very naturally, to add pang after pang
to the sorrows of the lonely prisoner in the
Chateau d'If.
We get a pathetic glimpse of him from time to
time. He had been shut up in his room for three
whole months when he received permission to go out
and walk about the fortifications.
*' A small consolation ! " he exclaims in his journal.
The monotony of his existence must have been fear-
fully wearing, for he says later that this incident was
the only new thing that happened during nine
months of his imprisonment. He tried to shorten
the unending days by study and some literary work,
one item being the translation into Italian verse —
and a very fair one — of Racine's tragedy Bajazet.
There are also some original dramatic pieces ; but
one feels in all this the lassitude of a brave mind
that occupies itself merely not to give way to despair.
It was, after all, only his deep religious faith that
supported him through this dreary period and
enabled him, deprived of all outward exercises of
piety — for the celebration of Mass was forbidden in
the fort — to still resign himself wholly to the Divine
Will.
Had his correspondence with his wife been less
cruelly trammelled he would have drawn great
consolation from her loving, hopeful letters. But
the barbarous restrictions placed on the interchange
caused those letters to reach him only two, three,
sometimes even seven, months after they were
26o THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
written, and it is small wonder that Giovanni came
to feel that he scarcely belonged any more to the
land of the living. This depression shows through
his fortitude in the letters he writes to his wife.
He is longing to speak to her, but he fears to
impose the weight of his own melancholy on her
gallant spirit ; and, too, the knowledge that every
word will be read by hostile eyes before it is allowed
to reach the person addressed is anything but an
inspiring factor in correspondence.
With himself in his Journal and Memoirs he can
be quite frank, and one gets a very graphic idea of
his circumstances. Certain regulations were bitterly
humiliating to the noble and the gentleman, how-
ever the Christian in him might strive to regard
them.
" On the 23rd of May," he writes (18 13), " there
came to the fort the Count Thibeaudeau, Prefect
of the Department of Bouches-du-Rhone, with the
two Privy Councillors Appelins and Fort. These
last had been sent from Paris to make the annual
visit to the state prisons, a visit which was omitted
last year. I was called, like the rest of my colleagues
here, into their presence, and had to answer their
questions as to my name, age, my country, my
status, etc., etc. They asked if I was married, if
I had children, whether these were boys or girls,
and what was the age of the eldest. They ended
by asking me where my sons were, and 1, having
answered all of the other questions, replied that
THE FORT BOMBARDED 261
two of them were at La Fleche, having been seized
and placed there. Then I was asked if I had been
arrested in Rome, and if I had been in prison at
Fenestrelle, and the Privy Councillors said that if
I had complaints to make or petitions to present
they would see that these should reach the Emperor.
*' I replied that many applications had been made
for me in vain by other persons, and I asked that,
if I was not to be set at liberty, I might be allowed
to return to my former prison at Fenestrelle, where
I had the advantage of being with my compatriots ;
and I added that, since I was in any case a prisoner,
the authorities could just as well keep me in one
place as the other."
Some more perfectly futile questions followed,
and Patrizi returned to his cell, congratulating him-
self, one imagines, on having kept his temper through
the interrogatory. But that day, at sunset, he and
the other prisoners had at. least the diversion of real
excitement, for an English vessel, coming very close
in, opened fire on the fort with a fierce cannonade,
and the fort instantly touched up its mouldering
guns and answered the compliment. The exchange
of shots continued for about an hour in quite a
lively fashion. The result of this affair was the
capture of a mercantile vessel by the English in the
port of Marseilles ; but it was almost immediately
set free, being furnished with papers which proved
that it was not proper booty of war.
" On the 22nd of May the representatives of the
262 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
Imperial Procurator-General came to the fort to
verify the list of the prisoners. They asked me
my name and nothing more."
The year 1813 was to be a sadder one yet for
Giovanni, and marked by an irreparable loss. His
father's health had long been failing, and the recent
trials and anxieties had greatly enfeebled him. So
early as May of the year before, the grief of Gio-
vanni's imprisonment had brought on an illness
which threatened to be mortal, and under this im-
pression he had written what he thought might
possibly be his last letter to the dearly loved son,
who was never absent from his thoughts.
"Rome, May 12, 181 2.
"My most dear Son,
" Aboccultis meis libera me Dne, et ab
alienis parce servo tuo." *
*' Here is a fine beginning for the letter of a
father to a son, particularly when he has not written
to him for so long, except in postscripts to your
mother's letters !
" But I believe you will find it right and just, for
the reasons which I will now expose to you.
" I believe that every man, and more especially
the father of a family, when the passing of the years
brings him near the last great step, should try to
repair the scandal he may have given, and should
* " Deliver me from my secret faults, O Lord, and forgive Thy
servant his errors!"
I
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PANCBCVS PATWTOS:^*^^ QVl ET NART^
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The Father of Giovanni.
THE ELDER PATRIZI 263
ask God for grace to be able to do so. This grace
I have asked and still ask constantly.
" I am old, you are far away from me, I do not
know how long that absence will last, and conse-
quently I do not know whether you will be at my
bedside in my last illness as I should wish ; so it is
right that now, when for a few days, through the
mercy of God, I am suffering less from my infir-
mities and the oppression of my spirit, I should
anticipate the fulfilment of this duty to you, and I
propose to do so in this present letter.
" By the grace of God, I think I have given no
direct scandal to you or to others ; * nil mihi con-
scius sum, sed in hoc non justificatus sum ' * ; but
indirectly, who can say how much ? With my
whole heart I ask pardon for it of the Divine
Majesty, and I beseech that no one may have to
suffer misery through my fault ; God grant it.
'' . . . To speak of other things . . . your Cos-
tantino is as good as possible, and provides all our
amusement at the dinner-table, and he is my best
solace when he comes into my room after his hours
of study and spiritual occupation. He opens every
book he finds, so it seems as if he would grow up
into a great literary man. Joking apart, he is a
good child, and I as well as you must thank God
for the good characters of your children. May He
confirm that which He has worked in us ! "
* "My conscience does not reproach me, but not for that am
I justified."
264 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
Towards the end of the year the Marchese's
condition grew rapidly worse. On December 2,
shortly before his death, he dictated what he knew
would be his last letter to his son (in order to con-
form to the prison regulations at Chateau d'lf it was
written in French) :
"My very dear Son,
" May the Father of Mercies and the God
of all consolation be ever blessed and praised !
You suffer, in this present life, but you are
acquiring at the same time great merit for the
life to come. If you have not quite the patience
of Job, at least you have enough to ensure the
salvation of your soul, for the good God permits
us to be tempted to prove our virtue, but never
beyond the limit of our strength. The depriva-
tion of the Angels' Bread, which so deeply afflicts
you, can be and certainly is a source of merit,
and the ardour with which you so eagerly desire
it and the spiritual Communion, which you can
renew as often as you like, will take the place
of actual participation in the Sacrament. The
penitent Mary of Egypt, during the twenty-three or
twenty-five years which she passed in the desert,
only received Holy Communion at the time of her
death — yet she is a saint, and even very famous in
the Church. Courage, then, dear son ; endure all
that the good God asks of you, and keep ever before
your eyes the great maxim that we suffer here for
A FAREWELL LETTER 265
only a short time, while that " (happiness) " which
awaits us is, God helping, eternal.
" As for examples, your good mother has given
you excellent ones to follow ; but, alas ! A^e will
not speak of mine. I fear to have had the mis-
fortune to have given you none that you should
imitate. I wrote you this on the 12th of May, 18 12,
and I pray in the bitterness of my heart that the
good God will forgive me all and accept the
sacrifice of my heart united to the infinite merits of
the blood of Jesus Christ. Add your fervent
prayers to mine. . . .
" You have chosen an excellent author — Thomas
a Kempis ! What a beautiful book, and how
helpful it will be to you in your solitude ! If it
arouses in you the desire to approach the Holy
Table, and this unsatisfied desire disquiets you,
you must not value it the less for that, for it will
be to you the occasion of gaining new merit. . . .
Your mother blesses you and embraces you ; Cos-
tantine kisses your hands and asks for your bless-
ing. Your aunt and your sisters send most loving
greeting. . . . The Secretary does the same. I
embrace thee with all my heart and bless thee, for
I am thy loving Father,
** Francesco."
The last words are written in his own hand ;
the rest was apparently dictated to Don Joseph dc
Ligne, the children's tutor.
266 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
Giovanni received this letter, written on Decem-
ber 2, some days after his father's death, which
took place in January 1814. The prisoner could
not even have the comfort of writing to his wife
in this great sorrow, for he feared that she might
still not have received news of their loss, and felt
that it would cause her less of a shock to learn it
from her mother-in-law than to be told of it by
himself. But in truth the sad announcement had
arrived at La Fl^che sooner than it had at Mar-
seilles ; and Cunegonda was also afraid to write of
it, wishing that her dear prisoner might remain in
ignorance of his bereavement as long as possible.
At last, in a letter written on March 13, she gave
voice, though still restrainedly, to her feelings :
" You dare not write openly to me about your
father's death, because you fear I may not yet have
been informed of it. What new kind of torture is
this, to be kept two or three months in ignorance
of something which touches us both so closely !
One has to fall back on saying, * God wills it so,'
otherwise our human weakness could not bear it ;
but He gives His aid in the measure in which it
is needed. So let us have ever-increasing confidence
in His infinite and all-powerful goodness. . . .
Continue, my well-beloved Giovanni, to seek your
only consolation in raising your thoughts to Heaven.
... As long as I know that you have recourse
to this, I shall fear nothing for you ! "
Cunegonda's words were notably verified at this
HOLY COMMUNION 267
moment, for the loving Providence of God, on
whose assistance she counted for her husband in
his grief, sent him that for which he had been
longing so earnestly, an opportunity of approaching
the Sacraments. Two good priests, one French
and one Italian, were unexpectedly transferred from
the prison of Compiano to that of the Chateau d'lf,
and obtained from the Minister of Police the per-
mission to celebrate Mass. The first occasion on
which they did so was Easter Day (April 10), and
Giovanni Patrizi was able to assist at the Holy
Sacrifice and receive Holy Communion, after being
deprived of that inestimable benefit for two years
and two days.
CHAPTER XIII
We must retrace our steps a little in order to
follow the thread of Cunegonda*s life at La Fl^che
during her husband's second year in prison. Now
and then some friend or relative came to visit her,
or the parents of some of her sons* companions
at the school passed a few days in the dull little
country town. In May her brother-in-law, Prince
Altieri, brought a breath from her own world,
which must have been refreshing to the lonely
lady. Her faithful companion, the " incomparable
friend," Don Lorenzo Giustiniani, was apparently
as silent as he was devoted, and her letters give
us glimpses of the appalling monotony of their
existence when the boys were shut up in the
college. She always shows her relief when some
real incident has occurred with which she can
enliven her husband in his distant solitude. With-
out possessing a particle of malice, Cunegonda was
a keen observer of human nature, and her curt
yet graphic descriptions of people bring the
subjects of them very vividly before our eyes.
Of Altieri she writes : "■ He arrived here the
other night with his son Auguste, all his rcpre-
268
PRINCE ALTIERI 269
sentations and petitions to have the child dispensed
from coming to this school, on account of his
delicate health, having been made in vain. I found
the Prince looking much aged, and Auguste is
thinner than before — if that was possible ! I hope
my sister" (Princess Altieri) *'will come and establish
herself here too. ... I never told you that her
eldest son was sent back to her by the Emperor's
order, at the beginning of this year, on account of
his health.*'
The Marchesa learnt from Prince Altieri that
her eldest sister, the Duchesse d'Esclignac, whom
she had not seen for twenty-three years, had come
to Paris, and was arranging to pay her a visit at
La Fl^che. They had parted in haste at the out-
break of the Revolution — what memories they would
call up together, what confidences they would be
able to exchange ! " With Altieri," Cunegonda
writes, " came Count Baglioni (an Umbrian noble-
man) to visit all the boys who were brought here
from Perugia, and of whom a large number are
his own nephews. He passed the greater part of
his time while here in sleeping ; in the day, in the
evening, he falls asleep with a facility which I have
never seen in any one else. If he has not spoken
for a minute or so you may be almost sure he is
asleep, and since Altieri (as you know) never wants
to sleep, they form an amusing contrast."
Then the Marchesa hears from the Patrizi Steward
in Siena that the Bailli Ruspoli has left that place
270 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
suddenly, in the night, without telling any one
where he was going, but saying mysteriously that
he had a long journey before him ! Towards the
end of May the good old gentleman appeared in
Paris, and announced his intention of travelling
sixty miles farther to visit his beloved niece and
her children at La Fl^che. But to his and her
disappointment some very urgent question relating
to the Order of Malta demanded his instant pre-
sence elsewhere, and he had to leave France without
carrying out his intention. At the end of June
three of the five daughters of Prince Xavier of
Saxony were at last reunited for a short time, and
great was Cunegonda's joy when she and Lise
(the Duchesse d'Esclignac) and Marianna Altieri
could '* talk out," as women love to do, all big and
little things that lay nearest their hearts. The two
weeks they passed together were the least sad part of
Cunegonda's exile.
On July 4, 1813, she writes to Giovanni :
*' My sisters are here since last Thursday. I
found Lise much altered, but still very sweet and
gay. We take long walks together ; that is the
only diversion I can offer her here ; but, as she does
not care about worldly amusements, she does not seem
bored. She has brought Ernest, the youngest of her
boys, who is three months older than our Xavier ;
he is big and strong for his age, but nothing like
Xavier, who is already much taller and stronger than
he. Ernest arrived here pretending that he was
CUNEGONDA'S VISITORS 271
Lise's courier, and told us that she would come in
a quarter of an hour, and that I was to go and wait
for her at her house. As I did not know the boy, I
believed him at first ; but after a little it struck me that
the pretended courier might be my nephew, and I
asked him where my sister had left her son Ernest ?
He smiled and said she was bringing him with her,
and then I understood. Lise is longing to make
your acquaintance, and I am sorry she is to stay here
such a short time."
Always the hope that Giovanni would come! The
load of disappointment and weariness settled very
heavily on Cunegonda after her sisters had left her ;
but, as she tells Giovanni, she had become so accus-
tomed to trouble that it would have seemed to her
quite unnatural to have any lasting pleasure or con-
solation now.
From August onwards the correspondence be-
comes sadder and sadder. Patrizi was tortured by
having his wife's letters kept back month after
month, and during those cruel silences he was left
to imagine the thousand misfortunes which might
already have fallen on those he loved. He wrote
few letters himself now — it seemed almost useless —
but from those which Cunegonda never ceased to
address to him it is easy to reconstruct the history of
this, the most mournful period of their long separa-
tion. In truth, after making sure that he was to be
immediately set at liberty, it finally became clear to
both husband and wife that an imperious and in-
272 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
exorable will had been imposed, and that all
entreaties, all attempts to change it, were doomed
to be hopeless. Giovanni fell into such profound
mental prostration that he at last told his wife that it
would be better for them to give up writing to each
other altogether, since the letters were either never
delivered at all, or else came so long after they
were written that they only added to the agonies of
the suspense ; and also that he found it intolerable
only to treat of matters which could pass the censor-
ship of the police when aching to speak of things
infinitely closer to both their hearts.
La Fl^che was anything but a salubrious resi-
dence, lying, as it did, close to great marshes, which
spread the miasma of malaria over all the district,
and in September poor little Filippo was laid low
with Tertian fever. The Marchesa writes that
this was regarded as an ordinary indisposition
at La Fl^che, and expresses her surprise at the
happy-go-lucky methods prevailing for the treat-
ment of it.
" They do not even think of giving Pippo
quinine ! " she exclaims. '* Yesterday they adminis-
tered an emetic . . . to-morrow he is to have an
infusion of bitters, and the fever will disappear
little by little ! Here they think only unhealthy
old persons can catch a ' pernicious ' fever, so they
very rarely give any quinine to children."
It seemed almost as if the French doctors might
be right, for a few days later the Marchesa writes
LIFE AT LA FLECHE 273
that the trouble seems to be passing. She had,
however, insisted on some small doses of quinine.
" I hope Pippo's fever is over," she writes, " for
it was due yesterday and did not come. He had
only had three-eighths " (of a grain) " of quinine, and
that smelt of nothing but mould ! It shows the
difference of climate, for in Italy they would have
made him take at least a grain."
She has but little to relate to Giovanni at this
time, and tries to make up for the exclusion of
her former all-absorbing hopes of his liberation by
writing of any small change or incident that takes
place. In looking at the long, beautifully written
letters (for Gondina was one of those people who
put the touch of exquisite care on everything they
do) one feels that the " miraculous hands " must
often have ached with weariness — that only the
valiant woman's heart gave her courage to write
at all ! She tells of little indispositions of the
children, of making acquaintance at La Fleche with
the Duchess of Bracciano (Bracciano was held by
the Odescalchi at that time) whom she describes as
" a very good sort of woman, who asked after
you with much interest" ; she tells of Romans
who came from time to time to see their boys at
the school, of births and marriages among their
friends, now and then of some strange dream she
has had. She scarcely knows what to write ; life
is very grey and sad, and now and then, in spite
of all her courage, she nearly breaks down. Only
18
274 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
nearly, for her faith always triumphs over the
momentary weakness in the end. Once she writes :
** What a comfort it would be to you to weep
on the heart of some one who could understand
and sympathise with your sorrows ! I can do that
sometimes ; but more often my tears flow in soli-
tude, and I find great easing so, because, although
apparently alone, I offer the tears I shed in the
Presence of the only true Consoler."
The autumn vacations brought a little more
brightness into her life and that of the two boys. She
had had a letter from Giovanni in which he told
her he had dreamt he was a Cardinal.
" Your letter of the 20th made us all laugh
at the curious dream you describe ; I was quite
pleased to find myself, in spite of your new rank,
recognised as alive, since you say I am to address
you as * Eminence ' ! We, too, often amuse our-
selves by recounting our dreams. At least, it makes
us laugh — and then it is so hard to find anything
to talk about, especially when I am here alone with
the Chevalier. Just now I am so happy as to have
my children with me, and, as you know, the
silliest little thing is enough to interest them and
set them chattering ! " In the same letter she
speaks of the portraits that Giovanni had asked
for, many months earlier. ** You reproach me with
my credulity which prevented me from having them
taken and sent to you, as you wished. I have
reproached myself many times since then ! "
PATRIZI IS HOME-SICK 275
In October Giovanni obtained the Commandant's
permission to have a little dinner in honour of his
mother's name-day.
'' I was very pleased," Cunegonda writes, " to learn
that you had celebrated your mother's birthday with
some of your companions in misfortune, and I am
not surprised when you tell me that your tears fell
when her health was drunk ! "
The little relaxation at the prison was followed
by — perhaps, caused — new strictness to be exercised
towards the Marchese and his companions. Orders
came to forbid the prisoners to take any more walks
round the bastions, and the deprivation of even
this slight solace was very keenly felt. Giovanni
began to feel more acutely than ever the sad
isolation of his lot, and spoke in his letters to his
wife of the constant longing for home and family
which tormented him, and which she felt too,
although all her thoughts seem to have been
for him.
" I know too well," she writes, " that our union
has not been a source of happiness for you, although
in your goodness you say that it has." (Here she
seems to be referring to Napoleon's marked
hostility to her own family, which she believed
had been the real cause of many of her husband's
misfortunes.) *' God give me grace to make it true
in the future ! . . . You had a moment of consola-
tion in seeing the handwriting of our children,
and they, on their part, were enchanted yesterday
276 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
when they received your reply. I can assure you
that I have been, and am, very satisfied about them
in every way, and I hope, when you see them, that
you will be as pleased with them as I am. I am
sure your prayers have done much for them.
Xavier is already taller than I am — I just reach
to his ear ; Pippo, too, has grown, but not much.
Yes, most certainly I insist upon your regarding
me as a Roman ! I am, because I have my home
there ; but much more because I love it dearly . . .
for many years I have had the good fortune to be
able to regard it as truly my own country. God
grant that we may see it very soon ! "
The year 1 8 14 opened sadly enough for Cune-
gonda. In January she writes : '' Humanly speak-
ing, I am happier in the night than in the day, for
scarcely a night passes that I do not find myself
transported to Rome. . . . What a sad kind of
pleasure it is to have to be impatient for night to
come — to bring consolation in a dream ! "
She is pleasantly surprised to find that there is a
circulating library at La Fl^che, and that '* for forty
sous a month " she can have '* as many books *' as
she likes ! Immediately she plunges into reading.
*' It is my only distraction," she says, and at once
begins to speak of Chateaubriand. " I have never
read the ' G^nie du Christianisme ' ; but I hear it
favourably spoken of, and sometimes unfavourably.
The author was Secretary of Embassy at Rome in
the time of Count Fesch — not under the Consulate.
CUNEGONDA'S READING 277
I have just finished another book by the same
writer, * Itineraire de Paris a Jerusalem ! * I found
it extremely interesting, not so much for the matter
itself as for the manner in which it is written.
They gave me after that ^ Les Martyrs * ; but, finding
that it was merely a romance, I did not read it.*'
Cunegonda, it will be remembered, had been
described at the time of her marriage as ' very
cultured,' and the years that followed had not been
intellectually idle ; capable of appreciating the best,
she had not fallen into the modern error of reading
for the ' style ' alone, that vain excuse offered by so
many persons now for poring over abominations
presented in precious vessels. Apart from her un-
ceasing striving after perfection, she felt, at this
period of her life, when she was left alone to face
terrible difficulties and still heavier responsibilities,
the necessity of strengthening herself for the conflict
by feeding her mind and heart with serious reading,
and she voluntarily puts aside everything which
might in her forlorn condition, ever so slightly even,
savour of worldly vanities.
The sweetness and humility of her character are
very charmingly revealed in a letter a little later
than the last. She says, ** For about a month we
have had here three or four hundred Spanish
prisoners who have been in France for three years.
They are excellent fellows, and everybody likes them
because they are so gentle and quiet. They work
to earn a little money, and this morning one of them
278 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
brought me some straw baskets made with great
delicacy and taste. I like to talk Italian to them, as
they understand it better than French. The other
day one of them was sawing wood and bringing it
into the house for me. He told me he had been
in the army for thirty years, and had served under
Carlo Tercero " (Charles III of Spain). *' I did not
tell him that the king was my uncle, because that
seemed to me proud ; but I am sure the man
would have been pleased if I had, for he seemed to
speak of him with affection."
How did this letter strike the Due de Rovigo
when it passed through his hands, coming from her
who was called by the police " that arrogant Saxon
Princess '* ?
During this long, quiet period at La Fleche the
* incomparable friend,' Don Lorenzo Giustiniani,
a man who had the rare talent of devoting himself
to the Marchesa, her children, her interests, without
claiming a moment of her time, without ever getting
in her way, always effacing himself but always there,
a silent, faithful, lynx-eyed guardian, had thought
it incumbent upon him also to improve his mind
and increase his mental resources by prayer and
study — Cunegonda often speaks of him in her letters
to Giovanni, and says that he is "always serene,
and utterly undisturbed by the discomforts of a
small establishment and a climate so different from
the Roman one." Before leaving home he had
begun to write a r^sum6 of Ecclesiastical History,
PIPPO AS CARTOGRAPHER 279
and at this he continued to work regularly during
the whole two years of absence, for five or six
hours every day.
The love of work is catching. When the boys
came to their mother for the holidays they invented
various occupations for themselves. Filippo sends
his father a map which he had drawn, and Patrizi,
pleased with its execution, writes to his wife that he
would like to have the boy take drawing lessons.
Cunegonda replies, " If you knew this enchanting
spot you would never have written that I would do
better to let Pippo copy some original from the
' Beaux Arts * ; it would be difficult — I fancy im-
possible— to find such a thing here ! Besides, the
copying of the maps was only done in his hours of
recreation ; it amused him so much, and I was
better pleased that he should do that than nothing
at all. My house is so tiny that the boys cannot
even run about ; sometimes they go for a few
minutes into the garden, but that, I think, is hardly
as large as the courtyard of our house in Rome.'*
Once before, she had spoken frankly of the dull-
ness and ugliness of La Fl^che, where, as she puts it,
" everything seems to be wanting." But, she adds
patiently, '' Perhaps my opinion of it should not be
taken too seriously. I see it only through tears. I
suffer here too much in every way to be an impartial
judge."
Before the end of 18 13 she tells Giovanni of the
vicissitudes of various friends who are serving —
28o THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
much against their will, doubtless — in the imperial
army. **Don Pompco Gabrielli and Don Giulio
Lante have been taken prisoners ; the former is
wounded in the thigh. Don Mommo Odescalchi
was at Hamburg on October i ; Don Camillo
Ruspoli is a prisoner of the Austrians at Prague."
Among the great names the humble one of Mari-
anna, the maid, is never omitted. She sends " hand-
kissings to the master," but she cannot get on at all
with her French. Her vocabulary is limited to
*' Oui, Madame," '' Venez ici," " Monsu' Cavalier,"
and " Madame est sortie ! " and she is dying of
longing to be in her own country, where she can
make people understand her ! " " Monsu' Cavalier "
(Giustiniani), who had suffered at first from the same
disabilities as poor Marianna — (how strangely it
strikes one now that a man of his position should
never have taken the trouble to learn French !) — has
overcome the language with a mighty effort, chiefly,
it would seem, in order to be able to write to his
friend at the Chateau d*If, where such letters as were
passed at all had to be written in French. By
December 1813 he acquits himself with much
credit.
" My very dear friend," he writes, ** Madame,
your wife, reproaches me very justly for never having
written you a few lines in this language, which is so
foreign to us, even after your children had already
succeeded in doing so. I blushed with shame, I
THE FAITHFUL GIUSTINIANI 281
admitted my fault, for which, indeed, I intended to
atone last week. ... But what shall I say to you in
the conditions in which both you and we are at
present ? Simply that I love you dearly, that you
are always present in my heart, which remembers you
even without my consent ; that is to say, when I am
asleep. And then I wish to recommend to you my
poor sister, for whose health, now exceedingly en-
feebled, I tremble continually. I beg you, my friend,
to offer fervent prayers to the good God that He
will dispose all things for the best for her, and, when
you pray, remember her brother, who is also more
yours in Jesus Christ than simply your very
affectionate friend,
"Lorenzo GiusTiNiANi."
As we have seen, this year of 18 14, which was,
indeed, to end all their troubles, began sadly enough
for the Patrizis, in Rome, at La Fleche, and at the
prison rock of the Chateau d'If. Towards the
middle of February some excitement was caused in
the latter place by the sudden appearance, one after-
noon, of a barge displaying the imperial flag, and evi-
dently conveying some high official. The personage
proved to be M. de Vandouvre, the Commissioner-
General of Police at Marseilles, with a number of
persons in his suite, some of them wearing the tri-
color sash of office. The party went to the Com-
mandant's apartment and immediately from thence
tQ the prison, where M. de Vandouvre entered the
282 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
room of one Rochelle, where he remained shut up a
long time, putting the prisoner through a very severe
examination and sequestrating a great quantity of his
papers. On emerging with these in his hands, he
ordered that M. Rochelle should be kept in the
most rigorous solitary confinement. Patrizi, record-
ing the incident in his diary, says : " While this was
going on the Chevalier Lehara and I, who had been
having our meals together since the 7th of January,
ordered our dinner to be brought in. One of our
guards who waited upon us, having brought the first
dishes, remained in the room — a strange thing, which
he had never done before. When we asked him to
go and fetch the rest of our dinner he replied that
he could not. We insisted on further explanations,
and then he told us, with much confusion (for he
was really a very honest fellow), that he had received
orders not to leave the room. This answer surprised
us, and caused our appetite to disappear on the
instant. The matter seemed so ominous that we
plied him with questions, and at last he told us that he
had been commanded not to lose sight of M. Lehara,
adding, however, that the order did not regard my-
self, and that I was at liberty to go in and out of my
room as I pleased.
" I must confess that, in spite of my anxiety for
my friend, this news consoled me a good deal. Had
the case been different I should have had to be
anxious both for him and myself ! I at once profited
by the liberty granted me, to leave my friend^s room,
THE COMMISSIONER'S VISIT 283
where we had been dining, and go down to my own,
which was reached by a small wooden staircase, that
of M. Lehara having been built into the lower room
like a closed ' loge ' at a theatre. As soon as I was
in my own apa/'tment I hastened to sort out some
papers which I thought might prove dangerous and
threw them into the stove. The dinner now being
terminated, the Commissioner and his suite . . .
entered the room of M. Lehara. I left at once."
(The Marchese has evidently returned upstairs to
his friend.) '* There were loud words between the
Commissioner and M. Lehara ; a strict perquisition
of his effects was made, and he was condemned to
solitary confinement." (This meant no communica-
tion with any person except his jailers.)
" Two days later the Commissioner returned with
his satellites and carried out the same measures with
regard to Major Rousillon, also examining five other
prisoners, who had been implicated in the celebrated
affair of Moreau, Pichegru and Georges Cadoudal in
1804.*
" At his first visit the Commissioner-General had
left new and rigorous orders. The prisoners were
not to be allowed to come down from the prison
building to the ' place,* or square of the fort ; they
were not to receive any newspapers, and no person
whatever was to enter the prison itself except the
turnkey and his two assistants, which order ap-
peared to exclude even the Commandant. No
* See Appendix, " A Diplomatist's Wife in Many Lands," Vol. II.
284 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
explanation was given, and we could not divine
the motive of all this severity, or of the measures
taken against the three men who had been placed
in isolation. On the 2ist and 22nd of February-
thirty prisoners were transferred from Compiano in
Italy to the Chateau d'lf, because of the approach
of the Allies ; and on this occasion the three men
who had just been condemned to isolation were
once more put on the same footing as all the rest,
which made us think that there was nothing in
particular against them, and that the whole thing
was merely an attempt on the part of the already
tottering Government to inspire terror at that critical
moment.
" For, in spite of the prohibition of all newspapers,
there came through to our ears the comforting news
of the war, which showed that Napoleon's affairs
were already going lame " {andavono zoppe). " The
very guards set to keep us . . . made a merit of
telling us all that was going on, and it was the
turnkey himself who gave me the news of the taking
of Paris by the Allies.
" Therefore we lived in the sweet hope that our
troubles would soon be ended, our shackles struck
off. On the 14th of April another prisoner confided
to me that an ecclesiastic had come from Marseilles,
and, having gone to visit Olive, the good, honest
man who supplied our food, he had announced to
him the abdication of Bonaparte and the proclamation
of Louis XVIII, and told him further that the
RELEASE AT LAST 285
island of Elba had been assigned to the discredited
Emperor, with a good sum of money. I made
haste to tell all my colleagues these most comforting
news, and it can easily be imagined what our emotions
were. The adorable Providence of God thus gently
prepared our hearts for a joy which, had it come
too suddenly, would have been too great to be borne."
At La Fl^che they were still in ignorance of the
march of events, and Cunegonda, all unconscious
that her sorrows would be ended in a few days,
seems at last to have given way to the lassitude
of despair. So late as March 27 she writes :
" I received this week, my dear Giovanni, your
two letters of the i8th and 25 th of February. The
first was sealed and bore the Marseilles postmark,
so that I had a moment's hope that some change
had been made in your circumstances, and I opened
it hurriedly. I understood my mistake when I saw
that everlasting date of the Chateau d'lf My God!
how it hurts me to see it, and how it must hurt
you to write it I "
Fifteen days later Cunegonda addressed a letter to
Giovanni, not to the Chateau d'lf, but to Marseilles
... and the letter began, " Alleluia ! Alleluia ! "
In Giovanni's diary, kept for nearly two years,
the record of his weary imprisonment at the Chateau
d'lf closes with the simple word " Liberty."
CHAPTER XIV
"On that same evening, the 14th," Giovanni Patrizi
writes in his Memoirs, '' our guard, when they came
as usual to lock us up, asked us if we had seen the
illuminations made in Marseilles to celebrate the
* Peace ' of which the news had just arrived. I
laughed at this word * Peace,' employed to mark
the downfall of the Tyrant. Luckily the one tiny
window of our room looked towards Marseilles. I
flew to open it, and saw the glow of the feux de joie
blazing in the great city.
" The sight sent us nearly mad with joy, and,
as soon as the guards had locked us in and gone
away, we began to give vent to our delight, em-
bracing one another, dancing up and down, indulging
in every wild demonstration that the unfortunate
are capable of when they see that their troubles are
over. I instantly brought out my whole provision
of tallow candles, some twenty in all, and, in the
absence of candlesticks, stuck them in bottles and
lighted them to celebrate the coming deliverance.
My four colleagues did the same, so that our dark
cell looked like a brilliantly lit ballroom. Nor
did we forget to turn gratefully to our Heavenly
286
DEPOSITION OF NAPOLEON 287
Benefactor, singing in low voices the Te Deum,
and closing with the prayer designated for it, as well
as with those for the Supreme Pontiff and the King
of France.
" Very little did we sleep that night, in which
we had the certain hope that all would now be
changed for us. The longed-for dawn came at last,
and very early we heard the beating of the drums,
which announced the arrival of an official launch.
We climbed to the terrace to see what was going
on, and perceived that, the moment the persons in
the boat disembarked, the garrison of the fortress
crowded round them to read a paper they had
brought. The next moment we heard some one
exclaim, ' The eagle is not upon it ! ' — for the
newspapers till now had all been marked with that
emblem. The paper was brought into the prison.
It was stamped with the three lilies, and contained
the act of the Senate of Paris, which, Bonaparte
being deposed, had proclaimed allegiance to Louis
XVIII. After this good news our French priest
made ready to say Mass ; but, just as he was about
to begin vesting himself, he was requested to wait
awhile, as another official boat was approaching the
fort.
" I quickly returned to the terrace above, and, oh !
what was my joy to see that they were flying the
white flag ! To greet and honour it, I pulled out
my pocket-handkerchief ; a companion helped me
to hold it out wide, so that it waved above the
288 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
towers of the fort — so that to a Roman fell the
honour of once more raising the royal standard
upon those walls from which it had been torn
twenty-five years before in the insane frenzy of
mistaken liberty !
" The common rejoicing was increased when there
disembarked from the boat several officers decorated
with white cockades, and we heard them raise the
great French cry, * Vive le Roi ! ' Most heartily
did we all echo that cry ; and then we were im-
mediately informed that we were all free, but they
begged us to wait where we were till the following
day. The Commandant now approached our jubi-
lant group, looking very confused and dismayed, and
I think he was going to complain about our shouts;
but some newspapers closed his mouth, and one of
the prisoners ordered him to shout ' Vive le Roi ! '
which he promptly did. Indeed, we were out of
minds with joy, and were showing it in a thousand
crazy ways, when we were suddenly told to get
ready to leave the fort, as we were to be taken
away in a very short time.
"I cannot say what the others did at this an-
nouncement, but I ran to my room and began
to pack my properties in a great hurry. I had
completed my task some hours, and yet there
appeared no prospect of departure from that miser-
able island.
** It was almost night when another officer arrived,
sent from Marseilles by the Commandant there,
LAST DAY IN PRISON 289
who we hoped would prove to be our angel of
deliverance ; but he, after saying a thousand amiable
things, and embracing us all one after the other,
quenched our hopes of liberty for that day, and
made it seem doubtful whether they would even
be reaUsed on the next. This intimation put us
in rather a bad temper, and we decided to send
back by the officer a letter to the Commandant
at Marseilles . . . begging him to hasten the
fulfilment of our desires. . . . The officer took
the letter back with him, and, as he left, cried
again, ' Vive le Roi ! ' We echoed the cry, but
with less enthusiasm than we had shown in the
morning.
" The night being come, certain that we must
pass it, and perhaps others yet, at the fort, we fell
into conversation, the subject of which can easily
be imagined. I had pulled my bed to pieces, and
now began to think that 1 had better go and make
it again if I wanted to rest at all comfortably. It
was now one hour of the night, by Italian reckon-
ing '* (an hour and a half after sunset), " when we
were told that a boat had come from Marseilles to
remove fourteen prisoners who were to be set at
liberty that night. Not imagining that I would be
included in the fortunate number, I was not at all
electrified by the news ; but I was really much sur-
prised at the attitude assumed by two Italian fellow-
prisoners, who began to grumble violently at the
indiscretion of coming to set them free at such an
19
290 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
hour, and declared that they would not move,
even if their names were on the list. I pro-
tested against this extravagant resolution, saying
that at whatever time I might receive permission
to go, I should instantly avail myself of it. Ex-
actly at that moment I received word that I
was among the chosen number, and my com-
patriots had their wish, for there was no message
for them.
" Beside myself with relief, believing it could be
but a happy dream, I asked myself, and my com-
panions too, if I were really awake ! I picked up
my cloak, resolving to return for my baggage the
next day, came out of the prison, and got into the
boat with thirteen of my colleagues (among them
was the Cur6, Don Giuseppe Venere), regretting
indeed to have left in that dolorous dwelling twelve
of our companions. These last had to remain
there for some days yet ; we learnt that the Com-
mandant of Marseilles had set us free on his own
responsibility, in order to appease the populace,
which clamoured loudly for the liberation of the
prisoners detained in the Chateau dTf The Com-
mandant thought that, if he sent for some of us,
the people would be pacified, as indeed they were,
being quite ignorant of how many the fort con-
tained. Before quite emptying the prison the
Commandant wished to have orders from Court,
and these he received about a week after our
liberation.
RECEPTION IN MARSEILLES 291
*' After a crossing which did not occupy more
than half an hour, the wind being favourable, we
entered the port of Marseilles, which presented a
really beautiful spectacle ; every habitation in the
city was illuminated, and the place was one vast
brilliant amphitheatre. On every side one heard
cries of joy, flags were waving, bands playing.
When we reached the quay where we were to dis-
embark we stepped on shore into an immense
concourse of people who, having heard of our
sufferings, welcomed us with noisy enthusiasm and
with demonstrations of the most lively cordiality. I
could not escape being kissed by one good woman
who threw her arms round my neck, but whose
white hair reassured me that there was no diabolical
suggestion in an act so irregular for any one, and
particularly for an Italian ! Accompanied by all this
crowd, which faithfully clung to us, we were con-
ducted to pay our respects to the Commandant, but
we had not the good fortune to see him, as he had
already gone to bed.
" And now the group of ex-prisoners broke up
to go and seek for lodgings. I turned my steps to
the house of Signor Carminati, the Italian banker,
to whom I had been directed on my unhappy
arrival in Marseilles, and from whom I had received
an infinity of kindnesses during my imprisonment.
During the earlier months of it, when we did not
imagine it would last so long, he had begged me,
when I should come out, to be sure to go and stay
292 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
in his house. I now found that he was absent,
having been obliged to travel to another part of
Italy ; but his wife and family received me with the
greatest cordiality."
It is to be hoped that Signor Carminati*s family
was in ignorance of the incredible treachery of his
conduct towards his trusting fellow countryman.
The Marchese himself lived and died without
becoming aware of it, but the revelations contained
in the archives of the Secret Police, and only dis-
covered in recent years, appear to supply a motive
for the Italian banker's presence being so " urgently
required elsewhere " when Patrizi came out of
prison !
Giovanni continues : "The next morning, in spite
of the heavy rain, I returned to the fort to fetch
my effects, and was touched with pity at the sight of
my late companions who had remained there and
were still uncertain as to the happy moment which
should deliver them from their troubles. There
were some whose condition really aroused com-
passion, for their fortitude failed them altogether
in this new and wearing trial. Twelve remained
there for a week longer, and the other two for a
couple of days more after that before obtaining their
freedom.
** How great was my own consolation, two or
three days after I was set at liberty, on receiving a
letter from my beloved wife, in which she informed
me that La Fl^che had also been freed from the yoke
THE BOYS LEAVE LA FLECHE 293
of the tyrant, that her sons had already returned to
her side, and that, in spite of the perils to which they
had been exposed, they had, by the Divine Mercy,
remained faithful to their principles ! May God's
Holy Name be blessed ! "
It may strike the modern reader as something of
an exaggeration to talk of the * principles ' of boys of
the age of Xavier and Filippo, but the home educa-
tion of those days did not hesitate to teach even the
very young that they were primarily responsible for
their own souls, that in a world full of the enemies
of religion they were expected to play their own
modest part as faithful Christians and good soldiers
of the Church. It was Cunegonda's good fortune
to be at hand at La Fleche to remind them of all
these things whenever they could be with her ; and
her merit that she had sacrificed home and comforts,
and her health too, in order to stay near her boys.
But one must remember that she only saw them for
short intervals now and again, and that for the
greater part of the time they were entirely in the
hands of instructors who would do everything
possible to make them imbibe the Voltairian theories
which they held themselves — men who would never
miss an opportunity of trying to weaken their pupils'
respect and loyalty to the Church. It says some-
thing for the characters of the Patrizi boys, as well
as for their early upbringing, that all these contrary
influences cast no taint or shadow on their young
minds, and that they returned to their home as pure
294 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
and simple and devout as they had been when they
left it.
Giovanni had planned to go to Lyon to meet his
wife, but he changed his route on hearing from her
that she intended to make a little stay in Paris to try
and recover the property of her father, Prince Xavier
of Saxony, who had departed this life some eight
years earlier. The Marchese's widowed mother
was eagerly awaiting him in Rome, and he was in
haste to console her for his own long absence and
her great loss. An old and dear friend of them
both, Cardinal Consalvi, urged her claims too, very
warmly. The Marchese writes : *' Great indeed was
my joy when, after another day or two in Mar-
seilles, I had the satisfaction of once more embracing
the Eminentissimo Consalvi, my valued friend, who
was also returning to Italy and had come fifty miles
out of his way to see me in passing. At the moment
of our reunion I could not refrain from recalling to
him the memory of my dear father, and our tears
fell together, mine for a parent, his for a friend.
Having then spoken to him of my design of going
to Lyon to wait there for my wife to rejoin me, he
showed me such excellent reasons for at once pro-
ceeding to Rome that I decided to follow his advice
and do so. ... I engaged a posting carriage to
carry me from Marseilles to Nice, taking as my
A MASONIC FESTIVAL 295
travelling companion Don Giuseppe Venere, the
Cur6 of Civitella Cesi, who had been my colleague
at the Chateau d'lf ; and I fixed our departure for
April 27, it being well understood that the carriage
was to take no other passengers."
The Marchese's own luxurious travelling carriage,
confided the year before to the lauded Signor
Carminati, seems to have been sent back to Nice for
some reason. The Memoirs do not enlighten us on
this point, but they contain here the description of a
curious sight that the writer beheld during his halt
in Marseilles.
" Returning to the house alone one evening,
after assisting at a musical gathering, I heard from
far away the sounds of drums and other military
instruments, which seemed to be accompanying a
funeral. Then I saw the light of many torches,
flaring in the wind, coming towards me, and
curiosity made me halt to see what it was all about.
The procession was headed by a banner inscribed
The French Lodge of St. Louis ^ which, being inter-
preted, meant 'The Masonic Lodge hypocritically
called of St. Louis.' I perceived that this was a
Masonic festival, and I confess that I shuddered at
the thought ; but 1 determined to see what was
taking place. After the standard-bearer came a
considerable number of persons carrying torches,
some of pitch, some, if I am not mistaken, of wax.
They were followed by a bier carried by four men,
and covered by what looked like a black pall ; on
296 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
the bier was fixed a bust, evidently the portrait of
one of the royal family of France, and I imagined
that the show was intended to do honour to the
unfortunate Louis XVI. I said as much to another
spectator at my side, but he replied that the bust
represented Louis XVIII, and that the Freemasons
were carrying it in triumph about the city !
" The procession went on, and halted at the house
of the Mayor, and, under the windows, one of these
unhappy men addressed a complimentary oration to
the Magistrate. I was told that the company had
already visited the theatre, with equal pomp. . . .
Afterwards, that abhorred pack retreated to its lair,
and I came home, indignant at what I had seen, and
forming melancholy auguries of the fortunes of a
monarchy which, at the moment of its restoration,
permitted the public celebrations of an impious and
revolutionary sect !
" On the afternoon of April 27 I left Marseilles,
with my travelling companion, Don Giuseppe
Venere, and before arriving at Aix we overtook
Cardinal Gabrielli, who was returning by that
road. I was glad, truly, to salute the most
worthy prelate, who also greeted me with very
great cordiality. . . . We reached Frejus " (on the
29th) " and were told that the errant usurper
Bonaparte had embarked from the little port eight
hours earlier to be conveyed to the Island of Elba.
That same evening we reached Cannes, where we
passed the night. Leaving Cannes on the 30th, we
NICE— COL DI TENDA 297
crossed the Var, and said the Te Deum with all our
hearts when we found ourselves once more in our
beautiful and beloved Italy. At midday we drove
into Nice, and I at once made inquiries for my own
travelling carriage ; but heard, to my great dis-
appointment, that it had been put on board a vessel
bound for Marseilles. It was suggested to me that
I should wait for its return, which could be effected
by writing at once to that place, but I would not
submit to such a waste of time. I decided to stay
one day in Nice to procure a coach as far as Turin,
and from thence I would post it back to Rome.
" That evening I received visits from the Cardinals
Brancadaro and Gabrielli, who had come to Nice in
the hope of meeting the Holy Father ; but they could
get no news of him ; nobody knew in the least
where he might be."
On May 3 the Marchese and the Cure reached
Tenda, where elaborate arrangements had to be made
for crossing the pass.
" The Vetturino," Giovanni writes, ^' arranged
for us to have horses to ride, and also to carry our
possessions over the Col di Tenda. The coach was
left here, and another was to be found for us at
Limone, a small town on the other side. So, on the
morning of the 4th, we mounted and ascended to
the top of the pass quite easily ; but there we had to
alight and go forward on foot, as it was impossible
to ride down. So I started on the descent with a
man on either side to hold me up, for the ice caused
298 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
me to slip at every step. But, further, the path was
so narrow that three could not walk abreast, and I
foresaw that the journey would be long and tedious.
I was bewailing this to the two peasants who were
helping me, and they at once proposed that we should
take a short cut, and I most gladly assented ; but
when they showed it to me I was utterly dismayed,
for it was simply the steep slope of that towering
mountain thickly covered with snow ! As I did not
want to pass immediately from the Col di Tenda to
a better world, I hesitated a little . . . but my
guides, who were practical men, assuring me that
there was no danger, I allowed myself to be per-
suaded, and, almost carried by them, started to slide
down that break- neck slope, of which I could not
even see the termination. From time to time we
halted to take breath ; often we were above our
knees in the snow, but I accomplished thus in half
an hour the descent which would have occupied two
if 1 had kept to the beaten track.
" My companion had not followed my example . . .
and made his journey over the path followed by the
packhorses, with various tumbles on the way. I
arrived alone at the village of Limone, and had to
go to bed while my breeches were being dried, for
they were soaked through with the snow.
" That evening we reached Cuneo, which was
crowded with French troops returning to France.
At Cuneo 1 again had the good luck to find
Cardinal Brancadaro in the same hotel, and the next
THE HOSPICE AT MODENA 299
morning he went publicly, though still in a layman's
habit, to the Church of a Confraternity where my
travelling companion Don G. Venere said Mass
with the accompaniment of the organ."
The journey continued without much incident
except the frequent falling in with other joyfully
returning exiles, till the travellers approached
Modena, when, the Marchese says, " We were
accosted by two ecclesiastics who begged us to come
and stay at a certain palace of the town, which, by
the kindness of several pious persons, had been
converted into a hospice where all returning exiles
were entertained free of charge by the charity of
that Benevolent Society. A fine example, which does
great honour to the good Modenese ! We thanked
the ecclesiastics very gratefully for their kind offer,
but excused ourselves from accepting it, as we were
in a great hurry to continue our journey.
" On entering the city I went to visit my friend,
Count Marchisio. ... In his house I found
Cardinal Pignatelli, who was staying there, in a very
pitiable condition, the result of repeated and violent
fits of apoplexy which he had suffered in France.
This most worthy prelate, the moment he saw
me, burst into uncontrollable weeping, the usual
consequence of that distemper, and embraced me
with much tenderness, at which I was greatly
touched.
** Meanwhile the Cur^ had betaken himself to
the hospice for the returning exiles, where he was
300 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
regaled with chocolate. There I went to fetch
him, and we got into the carriage and resumed
our journey, arriving towards evening at Bologna,
where we stopped at the Hotel del Pellegrino.
In Bologna I saw my cousin, Donna Prudenza
Spada, the wife of Marchese Valerio Boschi, and
also Count Baccili and the priest Don Girolamo
Ricci, both old fellow prisoners with me at
Fenestrelle.
** . . . On the 1 2th we reached Siena, where
I went to my own house. I had intended to leave
on the 13th, but, some repairs to the travelling
carriage being required, I remained for two days.
"During this time I enjoyed the company of
my delightful uncle, the Bailli Ruspoli, who was
now permanently established in Siena, in my house ;
and I received innumerable kind attentions from
his Grace the Archbishop Zondadari, as well as
from many others of the good Sienese gentlemen.
The archbishop invited me to dinner, and among
the guests was Cardinal RufFo, who was staying
with him. While there we received the comfort-
ing news that the Pontifical Government had been
restored in Rome on the nth.
" On the 1 5th we left Siena and arrived that
night at San Lorenzo Nuovo. Passing through
Acquapendente, we saw the illuminations and cele-
brations in honour of the restoration of the
Pontifical Government.
''Leaving San Lorenzo Nuovo on the i6th,
PATRIZrS RETURN TO ROME 301
we reached Viterbo about noon. ... In this
town I parted from my companion, the Cure
Venere, and went on towards Rome with a young
Roman, who in Turin had begged me to take
him on the box as my servant, so that he could
get back to his own country. We left Viterbo
at about two in the afternoon — two hours after
midnight I at last entered Rome !
" How can I describe my joy in approaching,
in entering, the gates of my beloved country
(j>atria) ! With what ecstasy I sang the Te Deum
as I passed through the Porta del Popolo !
*' But yet greater was my joy on entering the
house from which the most cruel of tyrants had
barbarously kept me torn away for more than two
years ! Only one cloud was now cast over my
happiness by the reflection that I would not find
there my most beloved father, passed already, as
I hope, to an infinitely happier dwelling.
" Many of the servants, as well as the good
tutor, came down the stairs to meet me. Near
the door of the Sala, preparing to follow them,
was my darling Costantino, with my dear sister
Maria, and in the doorway of the second anteroom
stood my beloved mother, leaning on her stick,
for she had not quite recovered from the bad fall
she had had in September. . . . Oh the tenderness
of those embraces and kisses when I pressed to
my heart those dear objects of filial, paternal, and
brotherly affection 1 How the tears flowed when
302 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
I threw my arms round my good mother, both
of us remembering him whom we had lost five
months before !
" That same night, even, and in the days that
followed I received continual visits from relations,
old friends, and numbers of other persons, who
flocked to congratulate me on my return. . . ."
Giovanni Patrizi's troubles were over, the reward
of his constancy and courage was meted out to him
at last. Of all the nobles, not only of Rome but
of Italy, he was the only one who had resisted
unflinchingly the odious enactments of the " Golden
Levy," the only one, as the French historian, who
abuses and decries him, is forced to admit, who
never cringed or yielded for a moment to the over-
whelming forces opposed to him. He himself was
taken by force ; his boys were the only ones who
had to be conducted by force to Napoleon's school,
and he would have met death smiling had death
meant the safety of his children's souls. The sons
of such a father were very precious in the eyes of
God. All three justified their paternity. Xavier,
the eldest, entered the Society of Jesus a year before
Giovanni's death, became immensely distinguished
for the holiness of his life and for his vast learning,
especially in exegesis and Oriental languages, of
which subjects he held the chairs at the Sapienza
College for many years. Constantino entered the
ecclesiastical state, became a prelate, '* Maestro di
Camera" to Pius IX, finally cardinal, and — strange
PATRIZrS DESCENDANTS 303
turn of Fortune's wheel ! — was deputed to represent
the Pontiff as godfather at the baptism of the Prince
Imperial, the son of Napoleon III. As to Giovanni's
third son, the irrepressible *^ Pippo," he grew up,
married, first, Giovanna dei Conti Somunaglia, and,
after her death Giulia Chigi, widow of the Marchese
Lavaggi. He had several children, and his direct
descendants to-day number just one hundred. The
shadow of the Patrizis has not been allowed to
grow less.
CHAPTER XV
On April lo, in that particular year of 1814, the
sun had risen again for the exiled wife and children
at La Fl^che. Cunegonda's words seem to fall over
each other in the letter which begins " Alleluia !
Alleluia ! " *' La joie fait peur ! " The intensity
of the relief was almost more than she could bear.
" At last we are free," she writes ; " our sorrows
are over. Be patient if this letter is disjointed,
for, what with joy and talk and packing-up, I have
lost my head. I leave on Wednesday, the 13th,
for Paris, to find out if you have been set free,
and, if not, to have you brought out at once. I
will stay there as short a time as possible, and hope
to get through with my business in a very few
days. I leave orders here for any letters that may
come to be sent on to Paris. ... If the King is
already in Paris, or if he is just coming there, I
will wait to see him about my own and my sister's
interests in our father's property. The moment
that affair is set going I will leave for my dear
Rome. Write to me at Paris, Hotel Hambourg,
18 Rue Jacob, and tell me if you are starting at
once for Rome, as I imagine you will be. . . . My
304
THE DUC D'ESCLIGNAC 305
dear Giovanni, after nearly twenty-nine months of
separation, we are on the eve of being reunited,
miraculously reunited. The Chevalier is crazy with
joy — as we all are. . . ."
Xavier adds a postscript : " At last we can write
to one another in our own language and without
any mysteries."
Pippo, too, puts in his word : *' At last the hour
has come when all the bonds that kept us in
France are broken ; we can go back to our dear
Rome ! Oh, what a beautiful Easter ! "
Cunegonda could learn nothing definite about
her husband when she reached Paris, and, writing
to him again, on April 19, still addresses her letter
to Marseilles. Her brother-in-law, the Due
d'Esclignac, had already on the 1 1 th written a
very pressing letter to some high functionary,
although precisely which it is impossible to say,
as the letter still preserved in the Paris archives
bears no address.
" Monsieur le Baron,
" I wish to speak to you about the Marquis
and Marquise Patrizi " (the latter) " my sister-in-law,
exiled or imprisoned on account of their opinions,
on the subject of which I had the honour of
speaking to Your Excellency already six months
ago.
" The letter of M. le Comte de Nesselrode
leaving no doubt whatever as to the manner in
20
3o6 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
which they, as well as their children, who were
sent by force to la Fl^che, are to be treated, I
should have considered it superfluous to present
my request but for the fact that the many
occupations laid upon you by present circumstances
made it my duty to remind you of the Patrizis,
knowing well. Monsieur le Baron, how unwillingly
you consented to the execution of the unjust and
hard measures used towards this family ; this
knowledge assures me of the promptness with
which you will give the required orders for their
liberation.
"I am, etc., etc.,
" Le Due d'Esclignac.'*
The return of the little family from La Fl^che
to Paris is described by Xavier when he con-
scientiously writes up his journal there.
" When we entered the city on the 14th of
April, by the Barri^re of Passy, situated on the
Seine, I saw a double stockade that had been set
up to impede the entry of the Allies, a purely
nominal thing which might have delayed them
three or four minutes at the most. The barricade
was guarded by Russian troops and the National
Guard. At the Champs de Mars there was a
small Russian camp with a great many mortars.
The same was on the field of the Invalides ; but
there was no artillery there or at the barricade
either. The Emperors of Russia and Austria were
XAVIER'S JOURNAL 307
in Paris, the King of Prussia, and Bernadotte the
King of Sweden ; but the last was treated as of
no importance at all; so he is preparing to leave,
with the excuse of attending to affairs in his
Kingdom. The Comte d'Artois, called * Monsieur '
because he is the own brother of Louis XVIII,
arrived on the nth inst., receiving tremendous
acclamations from the populace, accompanied by
600 men of the National Guard, and he himself
in the uniform of the said Guard ; he, the moment
he arrived, went to give thanks to God, at the
Church of Notre Dame. He is now Lieutenant-
General (viceroy) of the Kingdom till the King's
arrival. The Emperor of Russia, Alexander,
entered Paris with the King of Prussia, on the
31st of March ; after a fight which lasted twelve
hours, 20,000 Frenchmen were overcome by
200,000 of the Allies, and Paris was obliged to
capitulate. He " (the Emperor of Russia) ** having
been asked by all the inhabitants to place a Bourbon
on the throne, he promised to do so. On the 14th
the schismatic " (Russian orthodox) " priests sang
a Te Deum on the Place de la Concorde, otherwise
Place de Louis XV, the Emperor of Russia,
although a schismatic, acknowledging that his
victory was all the work of God. The Emperor of
Austria entered on the 1 5th " (of April). " Besides
the troops of the said sovereigns there are also
English. All the troops in Paris are 50,000 ; and
there are 100,000 in the environs.
3o8 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
** On coming into Paris I saw the Dome of
the Invalides with the gilding finished ; only on
the upper part, however. The so-called Palace of
the King of Rome has been left six or seven palms
high. It is pleasant to see the Eagles, etc., taken
down ... all that belonged to the past Govern-
ment. Bonaparte is derided in many papers which
are scattered about the city. He is at Fontaine-
bleau, where he amuses himself with making decrees
and distributing decorations, notwithstanding his
abdication.
'* Before the arrival of Monsieur, a provisional
Government of three persons was formed.
" It is notable that the first decrees of the said
Government were : first, the liberation of the Pope ;
second, the restoration of children to their parents.
The Senate has made a constitution, which is in
vigour now, although it seems that the King will
not be able to accept it.
*' On the 1 6th, returning from St. Germain des
Pres, at the end of the Rue Bonaparte I found
that the name had ceased to exist, and they
say it is to be called the Rue de la Paix. On
the 17th I heard for the first time the "Domine
salvum fac Regem *' sung in the above-mentioned
church.
"... At the Champs Elysees there was much
baggage of the Allied Troops, and also of the
Cossacks, famous robbers and destroyers, and there-
fore very unfavourably regarded (!) I passed before
CUNEGONDA REACHES LYON 309
the hotel called L'Elysee Bourbon, where the Em-
peror of Russia is staying, and the Hotel de Saxe,
where the Emperor of Austria lodges : both are in
the Rue Faubourg St. Honor6. There were other
Palaces in the same street guarded by troops.
"On the 2 1st arrived the Due de Berry, son of
the Count d'Artois and nephew of the King. . . .
" I also went to the Place Vend6me, where there
is the great bronze column from which the Emperor
of Russia had removed the statue of Bonaparte to
take it away to Russia, and put it on top of a
pyramid made of all the cannon taken from the
French. It is well to remember that the said column
was made out of the bronze of cannon which Bona-
parte took from the Austrians at the battle of
Austerlitz.''
There are gleams of philosophy in Xavier's
journal !
On April 30 Cunegonda, with her boys and their
faithful Cavalier, Don Lorenzo Giustiniani, started
on their return to Italy. Their immediate objective
was Lyon, where the Marchesa made sure she would
find her husband waiting for her. He, as we have
seen, imagined that the business would detain her
much longer in Paris, and had returned back to his
mother in Rome. It was a bitter disappointment to
his wife when she arrived at Lyon, tremulous with
joy at the thought of seeing him at last, to find that he
had travelled by another route. She had flown from
Paris at the first moment possible, in spite of feeling
310 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
really ill with fever and her torment of headache,
and, the disappointment coming after so much strain
and agitation, quite overcame her fortitude. She
tries to catch up with her dear traveller — hears that
he is only three days ahead of her — and then, hearing
that he is travelling night and day, resigns herself to
accomplishing the rest of the journey in shorter
stages.
But at last, at last, on May 22, at two o'clock in
the afternoon, the husband and wife, the children
and the parents, were reunited under their own roof
— and how the old house must have rung with the
greetings, the laughter, the sobs of happiness, the
voices of the boys as they scampered about with
the stay-at-home brother ! The letters cease here.
The conflicts were all over, the battles won ; the
after-history of Giovanni and his wife is the history
of character, and for those who have accompanied
them so far some details of it may not be without
interest.
Two days after Cunegonda had reached home,
Pius VII was brought back to Rome in triumph.
That return awoke to new life the population which
for six long years had remained obstinately deaf to
French orders and French cajoleries ; which, though
passionately fond of amusements, had refused to be
amused by the invader ; though devout, had refused
to enter the Basilica for his Te Deums ; had, in dead
silence, obeyed scrupulously the slightest indication
of a wish on the part of its absent sovereign ; for, as
NAPOLEON'S FAILURE 311
the French authorities themselves complained, " The
Pope has, even now, more power in his little finger
than we with the Empire at our back ! "
Active resistance there had been none to speak of ;
the Romans, pure and simple, are not a factious
people, but the dead wall of deaf-and-dumb obstinacy
presented an obstacle impossible to overcome. De-
luded, like Alaric, by his own passionate desire to
possess the capital of Christendom, his dreams
nursed by only too wilUng agents, Napoleon dis-
covered, at last, that the capital of Christendom
would have none of him, and that all his genius and
power could not shake the strange, deep-seated loyalty
of the people to their own ruler. Many and good
reasons have been supplied for his failure ; but even
had he gone about the matter differently — even had
he refused to listen to the scruples from which, in
fact, he was never free, or to the lures of popularity
which he promised himself to the end — and had he
treated Rome as he did other conquered cities, he
was doomed to fail. Rome has capitulated, since,
to a greater force than Napoleon could bring to bear
on it ; a hundred years of human development in
anti-Christian directions has produced generation
after generation to whom it is all one who rules so
long as their own existence can go comfortably
forwards. Feeling is dead ; the mob, more than
ever in the world's history, crawls on its stomach.
But a hundred years ago it was not so ; there was
something of the spiritual still in the composition of
312 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
the man in the street, unsatisfactory as he might be
in many ways.
It seems unlikely that the world will ever again
witness such an outburst of emotion as that which
greeted Pius VII when he entered the gate of Porta
del Popolo on May 24, 18 14.
He was dressed in full pontifical robes, and sat
in the amazing old Spanish gala coach in which
Charles IV of Spain had entered Rome as a
refugee (and pensioner of Napoleon) two years
earlier, a conveyance of which the Romans had
never seen the like for massive gorgeousness.
Before the Pope's cortege had reached the gate a
crowd of young nobles flung themselves upon the
carriage, took out the horses, and dragged it them-
selves to St. Peter's through streets where the
crowds, weeping and shouting for joy, prostrated
themselves at every step to receive the Sovereign's
blessing. Windows, balconies, roofs, every point
where standing room could be obtained swarmed
with human beings ; every window was hung with
bright draperies ; the air was a cloud of waving
handkerchiefs and showers of flowers. For once
St. Peter's was full to danger point. The French
historian * says : '* The flood of humanity, beating
against the enormous walls of the Basilica, resembled
a great sea, long held back by an invincible dyke,
and now suddenly dashing through. The dyke
had been built by the frail hands of this aged
* Madelin.
PIUS- VII.
Prom the Statue by Antonio Canova.
Engraved by Balestra, after a painting by Camucinl.
PIUS VII RETURNS TO ROME 313
man, who now broke it down ; Pius VII had said,
' Anathema on whomsoever shall take part in the work
of the French.' 'Romalocutus est' — and the Romans,
in their strange, silent way, which seemed so supine
and inefficient to onlookers, had obeyed to the
letter, and, by their dumb obedience, had paralysed
all the efforts of the conqueror of Europe.
" Now they were dumb no longer ; sorrow is
silent, but joy loves to rend the skies. The day
and those that followed were one long festival in
the city. The Pope entering the Quirinal, and
beholding all the sumptuous preparations (in true
first-Empire taste) for its occupation by the
* King of Rome ' and his imperial mother, merely
remarked, with an amused smile, *Ah, they were
not expecting us ! We can replace their gods and
goddesses with saints, and every one will have had
his way ! ' "
If he could laugh, others could, too, and Rome
was itself again !
Among the first to throw themselves at their
Sovereign's feet was Giovanni Patrizi. The Holy
Father recognised him at once, and embraced him
tenderly. In a private audience granted to the
whole family a few days later the Pope expressed
his desire to give the Marchese a public proof of
his favour ; but Patrizi deprecated all recognition,
3X4 THE PATRIZI MEMOIRS
saying that he did not wish to hear the word
" merit," and far less to receive rewards for having
done what was purely his duty.
Nevertheless, in the ensuing September Pius VII
named him Senator of Rome, the highest civic
dignity, corresponding, though with far greater
power and distinction, to the office of Prefect. In
doing this the Pope departed from the invariable
law hitherto observed which forbade that the Romans
should be governed by one of their own fellow-
citizens. But every one concurred in the justice
of the nomination, for Patrizi was the only noble
who had publicly and consistently proclaimed his
allegiance to his rightful sovereign. He made his
state entrance into the Capitol on January i, 1815,
and was the last Senator who did so with all the
antique pomps of procession and cavalcade.
In the two years that elapsed before his death
he devoted himself with his whole heart to the
great duties of his position, sparing no efforts to
maintain order, salubrity, and decorum in the
beloved city committed to his care. But, side by
side with this public life of pomp and place, he
was leading in the privacy of his home a life of
constant detachment, all-embracing charity, self-
denial, and prayer. His long imprisonment, its
sorrows and anxieties, as well as the many months
during which he had been forbidden fresh air and
exercise, all these things had seriously undermined
his health and brought on the cardiac affection
DEATH OF PATRIZI 315
which ended his life almost before he had reached
his prime. But to Giovanni Patrizi the solitude of
his prison had brought a great flood of inner light ;
the reward of his simple, unquestioning loyalty to
duty had been for this true Paladin the revelation
of things unseen. While scrupulously fulfilling his
great public responsibilities and continuing in his
home to be the most loving son and husband and
father, the eyes of his soul were fixed on the distant
bourne, and he approached it gladly and readily, as
a child turns to its home.
All the love and care by which he was surrounded
could not delay the end. On January i, 18 17, he
found that he could no longer rise from his bed.
With all his dear ones kneeling around him he
received the last Sacraments of the Church he had
loved so faithfully. On the 8th he passed away,
serene and conscious, breathing his Saviour's words,
" Lord, into Thy hands I commend my spirit."
They buried him in the Patrizi chapel in Santa
Maria Maggiore, beside his father. Cunegonda
was laid there with them in 1828. The two older
boys had already heard and obeyed the call to Per-
fection ; and the youngest, as has been said, remained
in the world to follow in his father's footsteps and
raise up many sons to honour his name.
TRANSLATOR'S NOTE
In view of the fact that those incapable of estimating
the man and his extraordinary qualities have seen
fit to cast aspersions upon the high intelligence and
clearsightedness of Giovanni Patrizi, the compiler of
these Memoirs, the Marchesa Maddelena Patrizi has
judged it as well to append to her work a just and
conclusive appreciation of him from the " Memoirs
of Cardinal Pacca." It will be remembered that
Cardinal Pacca was for a long time the Marchese's
fellow-prisoner. The terms in which he speaks of
him leave no doubt as to the high consideration
with which Patrizi was regarded by the most
thoughtful and distinguished men of his day. We
reproduce the extract word for word.
" The year 1 8 1 1 closed with the arrival at
Fenestrelle of a prisoner worthy of particular
mention. This was the Marchese Giovanni Naro
Patrizi ; he arrived on the 28 th of December, the
day on which the Church celebrates the Slaughter
of the Holy Innocents. He had earned his sentence
by refusing to consign his sons to the French
Government, which insisted on educating them in
one of the French Colleges, a possibility which
317
3i8 TRANSLATOR'S NOTE
Patrizi regarded as a far worse fate than death for
them — the destruction of their innocence and re-
ligious faith. I had often seen him in Rome, but
had never conversed with him. This young Cavalier
had no taste for noisy entertainments and the gay
society of fashionable people ; he was constantly
seen in the churches, and gave much edification by
assisting, in the habit of the brotherhood, at the
religious functions of the Confraternities of which
he was a member. This was enough to cause him
to be looked down upon, laughed at, and generally
regarded as a man of limited intelligence, dull, and
more fitted for the cloister than the world. The
occupation of Rome by the French, and the change
of government, demonstrated how mistaken was
this opinion of his character.
" While other gentlemen of the first nobility,
either through base cowardice, or the even lower
motive of personal interest, made efforts to obtain
employments and appointments from the usurping
Government, and crawled to the feet of General
Miollis and the other French Ministers, Patrizi
preserved intact the rare and exalted sentiments of
a true Roman noble. Of these he gave brilliant
proof when it was intimated to various parents that
the Emperor required them to give up their children
to the authorities to be educated in the schools and
colleges of France. Patrizi instantly understood,
and was revolted at the perfidious motive of this
pretended paternal solicitude, and, rather than con-
TRANSLATOR'S NOTE 319
sign his own sons to the new Moloch Idol, exposed
himself to the indignation and fury of Napoleon,
who had him arrested and kept prisoner, first at
Civita Vecchia, and then at Fenestrelle.
" As the extreme rigour which had been exercised
towards me in the first years of my imprisonment
was then somewhat relaxed, and some of the other
prisoners were allowed to come to my room and
keep me company, I had full opportunity for
knowing Patrizi well and forming my judgment
on him. 1 can therefore say emphatically that he
appeared to me a man well gifted with culture
and erudition, and, further, one possessed of such
principles of piety and religion that he was the
edification of his fellow-prisoners."
INDEX
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INDEX
Cenis, Mont, 203 et sq.
ChamMry, 202 et sq., 216
Charlemagne. 5, 53
Charles III of Spain, 278
Charles IV of Spain, 193
Charles X of France, 307, 309
Chateaubriand, 276
Chiara Spinelli, Contessina. See
Xavier
Chigi Giulia (afterwards 2nd
wife of Filippo Patrizi), 303
Chigi, Marchesa, 177, 182, 187-8
Chiuchiulini, Signer Giacomo,
159
Civita Vecchia, 6, 95 et sq., 128-
9, 135 et sq.. 162, 174
Palazzo Montoro, 103, 105-
6, 108, 126
Collia, Brigadier, 118, 1^0
ColHcola, Signer Carlo, 93, 96-7
*• Concordat," 2, 5, 24, 52, 247
et sq.
Consalvi, Cardinal, 46, 250-1,
294
" Consulta," 17 et sq.
Corsica, 196
Corsini, Don Neri, 232-3
Corsini, Prince Tommaso, 75, 232
Crescentini, 175
Custode, Luigi, 152, 181
Dall Pozzo, 17, 19
Danzer, M., 131, 161, 197, 213
et sq., 219, 220
David, M. Bernard, 134, 152, 180
— Madame, 134
De Filippi, Captain, 91-2
De Rossi, Canon, 130
Descartes, Rene, 17
Desmarets (Agent of Police), 180
Di Pietro, Cardinal, 251, 253
Doria, Cardinal, 248
Dugnani, Cardinal, 248
Durand, 26
Duteil, General, 238, 245
Egidio, Fra, 13
Elba, Isle of, 285
Ema, Monastery of, 22
Esclignac, Due d', 39, 305-6
— Duchesse d', 39, 269 et sq.
— Ernest d', 270-1
Feltre, Due de, 67
Fenestrelle, 1 17-18, 122, 128, 132
etsq., 140 etsq., i^o etsq., 196-
7, 200, 205, 211 et sq., 222,
227, 247, 261, 300, 319
Ferdinand IV (King of Naples),
54
Ferrero, Avvocato. 219
Florence, 8, 16 et sq., 127, 177,
187, 191-2, 201
Fontainebleau, 248, 252, 308
Fontane, P6re, 247
Fort, Chancellor, 260-1
Fouche, Duke of Otranto, Jo-
seph, 23, 26-7
Francis, Emperor of Austria, 26,
306-7, 309
Fratini, Canon, 196
Frederick Augustus II (King of
Poland), 35
Frederick Augustus III (King of
Saxony). 35, 37, 39
Frederick William III (King of
Prussia), 307
Gabbi, M., 219
Gabrielli, Cardinal, 55
— Don Pompeo, 280, 396-7
Gaeta, Duke of, 124
Gasparri, 113
Gazan, M., 15 1-2, 180-1
Gerando, Baron de, 17 ^/ sq., 24 n.
Gerard, M., 80
Giorgi, 114, 117
Giuliano, Castel, 86
Giustiniani, Chevalier Don Lor-
enzo, 74, 93, 138, 140-1, 148,
151. 155 «^ sq., 177, 201, 206,
226, 231, 234, 268, 274, 278,
280-1, 309
Giusti Tommato, 157, 173-4,
182, 187-8, 194
" Golden Levy," 59, 60, 176, 302
INDEX
323
Gregorio, Monsignor de, 247
Gregory XVI. 168
Guglielmi, Signer Giulio, 105 ct
sq., 116, 125-6
Guidi, Abbe, 196
Guillot, 39
H
Henri IV. 5
Henri V (Emperor), 252
Henry VIII of England, 252
Herbin, General, 8, 10, 54
Hobbes, Thomas, 17
Hompesch, Ferdinand von, 167
If, Chateau d', 211 ct sq., 226
etsq., 255, 259 et sq.
J
Janet, Baron, 16 et sq.
Jena, Battle of, 5
Jolielen, Madame, 221
Joseph of Saxony, Prince, 35 e/
sq., 40
Josephine, Empress, 163, 174
Julius Gsesar, 224
K
Kant, Immanuel, 17
Lafa57ette Marquis de, 16
La Fleche, Prytanee de, 6^, 66,
122, 144 et sq., 185, 209, 232
et sq., 261, 266, 269, 270, 272
et sq.
Lagorse, Cardinal, 250, 253
Lante, Don Giulio, 280
Lante, Pippo, 176, 185
Lavaggi, Marchese, 303
Lehara, Chevalier, 282-3
Leipzig, 23-4
Lemarrois, General, 14, 17
Leo XII, 168
Ligne, Don Joseph de, 265
Louis XIV, 5
Louis XV, 5
Louis XVI, 14, 36, 296
Louis XVII, 38
Louis XVIII, 284, 287 et sq.,
296, 304
M
Madelin, M. Louis, 61 n., 131 n.
Maghella, 25, 28-9, 31
Mancini, Canon, 201
Marchisio, Cardinal, 299
Marengo, 2
Mariano, 119, 137, 155
Marie Antoinette, 38
Marini, Monsignor, 231
Marino, Don, 256
Marseilles, 213, 219 et sq., 284 et
sq., 305
Martin, M., 234
Massimo, Marchesa, 138, 154,
163
Massimo, Marchese, 48, $8, 138,
154
Metastasio, 37
Milan, 14, 183, 193, 195 et sq.,
208
Miollis, General Sextus de, 7 ei
sq., 13 et sq., 54, 59, 65, 80, 87,
96, 121 et sq., 318
Montbreton (Director of Police),
178, 186
Monterone, 99, 100
Monticelli, Rev. Stephano, 93
Moreau, 283
Murat, Joachim (King of Naples),
12 et sq., 186
N
Naples, King of. See Ferdinand
and Bonaparte
Naples, 6 et sq., 187, 189, 190
Napoleon :
And the " Concordat," i et
sq., 52 et sq., 247 et sq.
Institutes the Golden Levy,
$8 et sq.
Summons Xavier and Filippo
to La Fleche, 66 et sq.
Petition from Giovanni Patrizi
to, j6 et sq.
3H
INDEX
Napoleon {continued) :
Defied by Patrizi, 84 et sq.
Sequesters the Patrizi re-
venues, 121 et sq., 161, 186,
246
His personal hatred to the
Patrizi family, 178 et sq.,
199, 210 et sq., 275
His abdication, 284 et sq.
Napoleon III, 5, 303
Naro, Monsignor, 45, 125, 128
National Convention, 12
Nesselrode. Comte de, 305
Nicolai, Abb6, 177
Norvins, 161
Notre Dame, 53
O
Oblates of Tor de' Specchi, Con-
vent of, 4 1
Occhiobello, 31
Odescalchi, Monsignor, 194
— Don Mommo, 280
Orville, Senator, 185
Pacca, Cardinal, 1 1, 21-2, 46, 55,
61 n., 136, 166, 173, 177, 210,
247, 250, 252, 255 et sq,, 317
et sq.
Palestrina, Prince and Princess
of, 191
Parisani, Signor, 93, 116, 140,
151. 177
Pascal II, 252
Paterson, Elizabeth. See Bona-
parte
Patrizi, Constantine, 48, 75, 119,
140, 1 5 1-2, 178, 183-4, 302,
313
Patrizi, Filippo, 48, 63, 66 et sq.,
108 et sq., 119, 121 et sq., 140
etsq., IS3 etsq., 164 etsq., 185,
195 et sq., 219, 224 et sq., 245
et sq., 268, 272 et sq., 293, 303,
305. 309. 315 ; Ws diary, 157
et sq., 234 et sq.
Patrizi, Marchesa Cunegonda :
Her betrothal, 3 5
Her birth and parentage, 36
et sq.
Patrizi, Marchesa Cunegonda
(continued) :
Her early life, ^S et sq.
Her marriage, 41 et sq.
Birth of her children, 48
Her grief at her children being
summoned to La Fl^che, 72
et sq.
Encourages her husband to re-
sist Napoleon's commands,
90
Told of her husband's arrest,
97
First letter to the Marchese,
107 et sq.
Ordered to escort her children
to La Fl^che, 109 et sq.
And her husband's removal to
Fenestrelle, 138 et sq.
Attempts to procure her hus-
band's release, 138 et sq.,
267 et sq., 230, 257
Prepares for her journey to
Paris, 141
Receives instructions from
her husband regarding her
journey, 144 et sq.
Describes her departure from
Rome, 1^2 et sq.
Describes family affairs, 163,
174 et sq., 268 et sq
Her stay in Siena prolonged,
164 et sq.
Her correspondence censored,
178 et sq., 210 et sq., 223,
228 et sq., 242 et sq., 259,
260, 271
Her doings in Siena, 182, 186
et sq.
On Costantino, 184
Leaves Siena, 190
Her journey to Paris de-
scribed, igi et sq.
Arrives at Turin, 196
Futile attempts to see her
husband, 196 et sq., 214,
126
Resumes her journey, 202 et
sq.
Arrives in Paris, 224
Attempts to see the Due de
Rovigo, 228
INDEX
325
Patrizi, Marchesa Cunegonda
[continued) :
Describes her daily life, 230
et sq., 238, 268 et sq.
Her children ordered to La
Fl^che, 232 ef sq., 239
And the " New Concordat,"
247
Letter to Cardinal Pacca, 255-
6, 258
And the death of Marchese
Francesco Patrizi, 266
Anxiety about her children's
health, 272-3
Her curious dream, 274
Her love of reading, 276-7
Her sweet disposition, 277-8
Her joy at reunion, 205, 304-
5. 310
Her children returned to her,
292-3
Starts for Italy, 309
Her death, 315
Patrizi, Marchesa Porzia, 43 et
sq., 74, 78, 93, 97, 121, 128,
141, 151, 153, 162, 223, 265-6,
275. 301
Patrizi, Marchese, Francesco, 43
et sq., 58 et sq., 68 et sq., 78-9,
84, 93, 97, 1 16-17, 119. 121 ef
sq., 140-1, 151, 223, 240-1,
262 et sq.
Patrizi, Marchese Giovanni Naro :
Historical introduction, 32-3
His betrothal to Princess
Cunegonda of Saxony, 35
et sq.
His marriage, 44-5
Birth of his children, 48
Invited to serve in the Im-
perial Guard in Paris, 59,
60
His grief at the summons of
his sons to La Fldche, 67 et
sq.
Petitions Napoleon, 76 et sq.
Interview with Count Tour-
non, 80 et sq.
Definitely refuses to allow his
sons to proceed to France,
87 et sq.
His arrest, 94 ef sq.
Patrizi, Marchese Giovanni Naro
(continued) :
His journey to Civita Vecchia,
97 et sq.
Impressions of his new dwell-
ing-place, 102 et sq.
Cheered by the arrival of new
inmates, 112 ef sq.
Ordered to leave Civita Vec-
chia, iiy et sq.
Napoleon's animosity against,
121 ef sq., 210 et sq.
Family revenues sequestered
by Napoleon, 121 et sq.,
161
His journey to Fenestrelle de-
scribed, 125 ef sq.
Arrives at Fenestrelle, 134
His fellow prisoners, i$$ et sq.,
196
Prince Altieri intervenes on
his behalf, 142 et sq.
His characteristics, 146-7
His correspondence tampered
with, 178 et sq., 205, 223,
242 et sq., 259, 271-2
Compromised by a letter, 207
et sq.
Napoleon orders his removal
from Fenestrelle, 211 ef sq.
Describes his journey from
Fenestrelle to Chateau d'lf,
216 ef sq.
His ignorance of the welfare of
his wife and children, 223,
228 et sq.
Vain hopes of release, 246-7,
254 et sq., 284
His father's pathetic letters to,
262 et sq.
His father's death, 266-7
Allowed to celebrate his
mother's birthday, 275
His liberation, 285 ef sq.
Celebrates the restoration of
Louis XVIII, 286 et sq.
Describes a Masonic festival,
295-6
His journey from Marseilles to
Rome described, 296 et sq.
Arrives home, 301-2
Future of his sons, 302-3
326
INDEX
Patriri, Marchcsc Giovanni Naro
{continued) :
Reunited to the Marchesa,
Private audience with Pius
VII. 313-14
Honoured by Pius VII, 314
His death, 3 1 5
Translator's note on, 317 ct
sq.
Patrizi, Maria Agnese, 69, 30 1
Patrizi, Mariuccia, 140
Patrizi, Palazzo, 38
Patrizi, Xavier, 48, 63, 66 et sq.,
108 et sq., 119, 121 et sq., 140
<?<5^., I53«' 5?.. 163^/5^., 178,
185 et sq.. 195 et sq., 219, 224
et sq., 245 et sq., 268, 274 et sq.,
293. 302. 305. 309. 315
Paul I of Russia, 167
Pelucchi, Signor, 89, 90
Pepe, Commissary, 154
Pepe, General, 17, 109 et sq., 154
Pemon, 221
Pesme, Monsieur, 225
Pez, Maestro, 175
Pichegru, General, 283
Pignatelli, Cardinal, 251, 299
Pignatelli, Prince, 21, 30
PigneroUe, 207
Pius VII, 3 et sq., 31, 52 ct sq.,
85, 136, 160, 203, 246 et sq.,
3 10 et sq.
Pius IX, 57, 302
Poland, King of. See Frederick
PoUastri, 157, 174
Pont-sur-Seine, 224-5
Racine, 259
Radet, General, 17, 20-1, 30,
56-7
Riario, Duca, 48
Ricci, Don Girolamo, 300
Rochelle, M., 282
Roederer (French Prefect), 63 et
sq., 78, 232 et sq., 238
RoUa, Signor, 2175/ sq.
Rome :
Appian Way, 15
Campagna, 7, 23
Rome {continued)]:
Palazzo della Consulta, 35, 44
et sq.
Palazzo Doria, 29, 30, 96
Palazzo Farnese, 15, 17, 25, 29,
30
Piazza di Spagna, 16, 24, 28,
30
Porta d'Anzio, 25
Porta Pia, 22
Porta del Popolo, 16, 301,
312
Porta San Giovanni, 15, 21
Quirinal Palace, 7, 8, 11, 22,
54. 313
Sant' Angelo, 29, 30, 54-5, 94,
97. 113. 177
St. Maria Maggiore, 3 1 5
St. Philip Neri, 44
RospigUoso, 58
Rousillon, Major, 283
Rovigo, Due de, 60, 62, 78 et sq.,
S7,gi, logetsq. ,14s, 154,165,
180, 199, 210 et sq., 218 et sq.,
223, 227-8, 232, 244, 246
Rufifo, Cardinal, 248, 300
Ruspoli, Bailli (Grand Master of
Malta), 167 et sq., 194, 240-1,
269, 270, 300
Ruspoli, Don Camillo, 280
St. Cloud. 124. 186
Sala, Abbe Domenico, 134-5,
143
Salicetti, Count. 12 et sq., 18, 20,
22
Santo Spirito, Arch-hospital of,
125-6
Sasso, Castel, 86
Saxony, Princess Cunegonda of.
See Patrizi, Marchesa
— Princes of. See Xavier,
Joseph
— King of. See Frederick
— Queen of, 39
Scotti, Count Francesco, 194,
207 et sq.
Serrey, Bishop of, 158
Siena, 48 et sq., 123, 126-7, iSo
etsq., 155, 161 etsq., 174, 180
et sq., 195, 300
INDEX
327
Somunaglia, Giovanna dei Conti
(ist wife of Filippo Patrizi),
303
Spada, Alessandro, 176
— Benedetto, 192
— Clementino, 192
— Donna Prudenzia, 130, 300
Thibeaudeau, Count, 260
Tournon, Count de, 24-5, 61-2,
64, 80 et sq.
Troyes, 39
Turin, 118 <?^ sq., 130 et sq., 139,
150-1, 155, 181, 194 et sq.,
213 et sq., 297
Tuscany, Elisa Baciocchi, Grand
Duchess of, 182-3
Vandouvre, M. de, 281
Vaudal, 2
Vauguyon, Comte de, 28, 30
Venere, Don Giuseppe, 290, 295
et sq., 301
Versailles, 235
Viscardi, C, 177
Viterbo, 96, 125-6, 129, 158-9
Xavier of Saxony, Prince, 35 «/
sq., 47, 224, 270, 294
Xavier of Saxony, Princess, 37,
et sq., 294
Z
Zondadari, Very Rev. Arch-
bishop, 127, 166, 187, 300
Zuccari, 20 et sq.
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